Maklumat

Pertempuran Saturnia, 83 SM


Pertempuran Saturnia, 82 SM

Pertempuran Saturnia (82 SM) adalah kemenangan kecil bagi pasukan Sulla atas bahagian yang terpisah dari tentera Carbo selama tempoh berkempen di daerah sekitar Clusium (Perang Saudara Kedua Sulla).

Pada awal tahun 82 SM, dua konsul untuk tahun ini telah berpisah, dengan Gnaeus Papirius Carbo menuju ke utara untuk berurusan dengan Metellus Pius dan Marius si Muda pergi ke selatan untuk mencuba dan menyekat Sulla. Marius mengalami kekalahan di Sacriportus dan dikepung di Praeneste. Ini memaksa Carbo untuk meninggalkan kempennya di utara dan kembali ke arah Rom, tetapi Sulla dapat mencapai kota di hadapannya. Kempen kemudian bergerak ke sekitar Clusium, kira-kira 80 batu ke utara Rom. Tentera utama Carbo berada di Clusium, di Sungai Glanis. Leftenan Carinnas mempunyai kekuatan lain 40 batu ke timur di Spoletium. Akhirnya ada pasukan yang berpisah di kota spa Saturnia, 35 batu ke arah barat daya Clusium.

Appian melaporkan tiga pertempuran berturut-turut. Sulla Pertama berjaya mengalahkan pasukan berkuda di Sungai Glanis. Selanjutnya 'Sulla mengatasi satu lagi tembakan musuh-musuhnya di dekat Saturnia'. Akhirnya dia bertempur selama sehari dengan Carbo di Clusium, tetapi ini berakhir secara tidak tepat.

Ini mungkin merupakan jalan yang agak tidak biasa untuk diambil Sulla - utara dari Rom ke Glanis, kemudian barat / selatan barat melintasi kawasan yang sukar, dan akhirnya utara-barat melintasi kawasan yang serupa dengan Clusium. Satu cadangan yang lebih mungkin adalah bahawa Sulla sendiri maju menuju Clusium menaiki Tiber dan Glanis, atau Via Cassia, sementara pasukan kedua dikirim melalui Via Clodia, yang menuju dari Rom ke Saturnia.


Sebilangan besar perang dilancarkan di utara Itali. Orang-orang Lucan, Samnites, dan Gaul berperang bersama orang-orang Marian. Berikutan pembelotan pasukan Gaul ke kekuatan Sulla dan kekalahan beberapa pasukannya oleh Metellus (salah seorang letnan Sulla) berhampiran Placentia (Piacenza), Carbo, pemimpin Marian, melarikan diri ke Afrika. Leftenannya, Gaius Carrinas, Gaius Marcius Censorinus, dan Damasippus berusaha memaksa jalan mereka melalui hantaran yang dikendalikan oleh pasukan Sulla dengan segenap kekuatan mereka dan bersama orang Samnites. Ini gagal dan mereka berjalan ke Rom.

Ketika Sulla mendapat tahu orang Samnie bergerak ke Rom, dia mengirim pasukan berkuda ke depan untuk menghalangi mereka sementara dia sendiri menggerakkan pasukannya ke ibu kota. Tentera Samnite tiba pertama, pada waktu fajar, menyebabkan banyak kegelisahan di bandar. Setelah kejutan pertama melanda pasukan Romawi menghantar pasukan berkuda untuk menunda penyerang. Malangnya bagi orang Rom, orang-orang Samn yang bertempur dengan peperangan dengan mudah menghantar serangan berkuda yang membunuh banyak dari mereka. Namun, penundaan itu memungkinkan detasemen kavaleri yang dikirim oleh Sulla untuk menarik nafas, mengatur, dan mulai mengganggu musuh. Kedatangan pasukan berkuda Sulla membuktikan kepada orang Rom dan orang Samnie bahawa Sulla sedang dalam perjalanan. Telesinus memutuskan untuk menunggu kedatangan Sulla dan mengerahkan tenteranya sedikit dari Colline Gate. Tentera utama Sulla tiba pada tengah hari dan mendirikan kem dekat kuil Venus Erucina, di luar tembok Rom, tidak jauh dari Colline Gate. [1]


Kursus

Dengan Mithridates dikalahkan dan Cinna kini tewas dalam pemberontakan, Sulla bertekad untuk kembali menguasai Rom. Pada 83 SM dia mendarat di Brundisium dengan tiga pasukan veteran. Sebaik sahaja dia menginjakkan kaki di Itali, para bangsawan yang dilarang dan penyokong Sullan tua yang telah selamat dari rejim Marian berduyun-duyun ke sepanduknya. Yang paling menonjol adalah Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, yang telah mengumpulkan pasukan di Afrika dan, dengan Marcus Licinius Crassus yang telah mengumpulkan pasukan di Sepanyol, bergabung dengan Sulla segera setelah mendarat di Itali. Konsulat Lucius Marcius Philippus juga bergabung dengan Sulla dan memimpin pasukan yang mengamankan Sardinia untuk tujuan Sullan. Di sinilah juga Gnaeus Pompey muda pertama kali menjadi pusat perhatian, putra Pompeius Strabo, dia membesarkan tiga pasukan di Picenum dan, mengalahkan dan mengalahkan pasukan Marian, berjalan menuju Sulla. Dengan bala bantuan ini, tentera Sulla membengkak ke sekitar 50.000 orang, dan dengan pasukan setia dia memulakan perarakan keduanya di Rom.

Untuk memeriksa kemajuan musuh-musuhnya, Carbo mengirim konsul boneka yang baru dipilihnya, Gaius Norbanus dan Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, keduanya dengan pasukan menentang Sulla. Tidak ingin tampil sebagai penyerang lapar perang, Sulla mengirim wakil kepada Norbanus yang menawarkan untuk berunding, tetapi ini ditolak. Norbanus kemudian bergerak untuk menyekat kemajuan Sulla di Canusium dan menjadi yang pertama melibatkannya dalam Pertempuran Gunung Tifata. Di sini Sulla memberikan kekalahan hebat kepada Marians, dengan Norbanus kehilangan enam ribu anak buahnya dari tujuh puluh Sulla. Norbanus yang dipukul itu menarik diri dengan sisa-sisa tenteranya ke Capua dan Sulla dihentikan dalam pengejarannya oleh Konsul kedua, Scipio. Tetapi orang-orang Scipio tidak mahu bertempur dan ketika Sulla mendekat mereka meninggalkannya secara beramai-ramai kepadanya, semakin membengkak barisannya. Konsul dan anaknya didapati meringkuk di khemah mereka dan dibawa ke Sulla, yang membebaskan mereka setelah mengeluarkan janji bahawa mereka tidak akan lagi melawannya atau bergabung semula dengan Carbo. Namun, sejurus selepas pembebasan mereka, Scipio memungkiri janjinya dan terus ke Carbo di Rom. Sulla kemudian mengalahkan Norbanus untuk kali kedua, yang juga melarikan diri kembali ke Rom dan meminta Metellus Pius dan semua senator lain berbaris dengan Sulla diisytiharkan sebagai musuh negara.

Konsul baru untuk tahun 82BC adalah Carbo, untuk penggal ketiga, dan Gaius Marius the Younger, yang baru berusia dua puluh dua tahun pada masa itu. Selang waktu dari kempen yang diberikan oleh Winter, kaum Marian mulai menambah kekuatan mereka. Quintus Sertorius memungut orang-orang di Etruria, veteran tua Marius keluar dari persaraan untuk berperang di bawah anaknya dan orang-orang Samn mengumpulkan pahlawan mereka untuk menyokong Carbo, dengan harapan dapat menghancurkan orang yang mengalahkan mereka dalam Perang Sosial, Sulla.

Ketika musim berkempen baru dibuka, Sulla menyapu jalan Via Latina menuju ibu kota dan Metellus memimpin pasukan Sullan ke Itali Atas. Carbo menyerang dirinya sendiri melawan Metellus sementara Marius muda mempertahankan kota Rom itu sendiri. Marius bergerak untuk menghalangi kemajuan Sulla di Signia, jatuh kembali ke kota benteng Praeneste, di depan yang dia bangun untuk berperang. Perjuangan itu berlangsung lama dan sukar tetapi akhirnya Sullans veteran memenangi hari itu. Dengan garis-garisnya melengkung dan pembelotan pasukannya secara besar-besaran ke Sulla, Marius memutuskan untuk melarikan diri. Dia dan banyak anak buahnya berlindung di Praeneste tetapi penduduk kota yang ketakutan menutup pintu gerbang, Marius sendiri harus digantung di tali, sementara ratusan orang Marian yang terperangkap di antara tembok dan Sullan dibantai. Sulla kemudian meninggalkan letnannya Lucretius Ofella mengepung Praeneste dan berpindah ke Rom yang sekarang tidak dipertahankan.

Setelah kekalahannya, Marius mengirim kabar kepada pemuji Brutus Damasippus di Rom, untuk membunuh semua simpatisan Sullan yang masih ada sebelum Sulla dapat merebut kota itu. Damasippus memanggil mesyuarat Senat dan di sana, di Curia sendiri orang-orang yang ditandai dipotong oleh pembunuh. Beberapa, seperti Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus terbunuh di tangga senat ketika mereka cuba melarikan diri, dan Pontifex Maximus, ketua paderi Rom, Quintus Mucius Scaevola dibunuh di Kuil Vesta, dan mayat-mayat yang dibunuh kemudian dibuang ke Tiber.

Ketika Sulla mengepung kota dengan pasukannya, gerbang dibuka oleh orang-orang dan dia memasuki tanpa perlawanan, membawa Rom tanpa pertempuran, orang-orang Marian yang tersisa telah melarikan diri. Bandar itu adalah miliknya tetapi Sulla tidak menghabiskan masa lama di Rom sebelum dia sekali lagi berangkat bersama tenteranya. Pada waktu yang sama Sulla mengalahkan Marius, Metellus menghadapi sebuah pasukan yang dipimpin oleh jeneral Carbo, Gaius Carrinas, yang dia lalui, dan Carbo, dengan kekuatannya yang unggul, setelah mendengar kekalahan di Praeneste menarik diri ke Arminium. Sulla kemudian memperoleh kemenangan lain di Saturnia, diikuti dengan kekalahan Carbo di Clusium. Setelah mengambil dan menjarah bandar Sena, Pompey dan Crassus kemudian membunuh 3,000 orang Marian di Spoletium, sebelum menyerang dan memusnahkan pasukan yang dihantar oleh Carbo untuk melepaskan Marius di Praeneste. Sementara itu, Samnite Pontius Telesinus dan Lucania Marcus Lamponius bergegas dengan 70,000 lelaki untuk juga mengepung pengepungan di Praeneste. Kekuatan ini menyekat Sulla pada hantaran dan membuat laluan mereka mustahil, dia juga menyekat percubaan Damasippus dengan dua pasukan untuk mencapai Marius. Metellus kemudian mengalahkan pasukan yang diketuai oleh Norbanus di Faventia dan Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus memperoleh kemenangan ke atas pasukan Carbo di Placentia. Carbo tidak mengalami apa-apa kecuali kekalahan dan kemunduran sepanjang perang, dan sekarang dia kehilangan hati. Walaupun dia masih mempunyai pasukan di lapangan, dia memutuskan untuk melarikan diri dari tempat kejadian. Dengan kakitangannya dan beberapa orang Carbo melarikan diri ke Sicily, berusaha untuk terus melakukan perlawanan di sana. Dengan pemimpin mereka hilang, baki pasukan Marian bersatu untuk satu perlawanan terakhir. Damasippus dan Carrinas bergabung dengan orang-orang mereka dengan orang Samnites dan Lucanians dan berarak ke Rom. Di sempadan Rom, pertempuran terakhir yang menentukan perang saudara, Pertempuran Colline Gate, berlaku Sulla akhirnya muncul sebagai pemenang, setelah menyebabkan 50,000 mati di medan perang. Carrinas dan Lamponius dibawa ke Sulla pada keesokan harinya dan dihukum mati.

Sulla kemudian memasuki kota itu sebagai jeneral yang menang. Mesyuarat Senat diadakan di Kuil Bellona ketika Sulla berbicara kepada para senator, suara jeritan ketakutan melayang masuk dari Kampus Martius. Sulla menenangkan para senator dengan mengaitkan jeritan itu kepada 'beberapa penjenayah yang sedang menerima pembetulan.' Pada kenyataannya, apa yang Senat dengar adalah suara 8,000 tahanan yang menyerah pada hari sebelumnya yang dihukum mati atas perintah Sulla, tidak ada yang ditangkap yang terhindar dari hukuman mati. Tidak lama kemudian, Sulla telah mengisytiharkan Diktator, dan sekarang memegang kekuasaan tertinggi atas Rom.

Ketika penduduk Praeneste yang kelaparan putus asa dan menyerah kepada Ofella, Marius bersembunyi di terowong di bawah bandar dan cuba melarikan diri melalui mereka tetapi gagal dan bunuh diri. Orang-orang Praeneste pada masa itu kebanyakannya dibantai oleh Ofella. Carbo segera ditemui dan ditangkap oleh Pompey, yang dikirim oleh Sulla untuk mengesan lelaki itu. Pompey membawa lelaki menangis itu di hadapannya di rantai dan dieksekusi secara terbuka di Lilybaeum, kepalanya kemudian dikirim ke Sulla dan ditunjukkan bersama dengan Marius 'dan banyak orang lain di Forum.


PERJALANAN HARI PENUH DARI ROME 14 Jam Mandi Saturnia dan dua Desa Zaman Pertengahan: Montemerano dan Pitigliano

Saturnia adalah sebahagian dari kota Manciano, di perbukitan Maremma yang membentang di wilayah Grosseto. 2 jam 15 minit dari ROME. Sebuah bandar kuno Etruscan, dengan tembok abad pertengahan dan tinggalan jalan Rom lama, Saturnia terkenal dengan mata air panasnya sejak zaman Rom dan masih berfungsi hingga kini. Air sulfur pada suhu 37.5 darjah Celsius (98 ° Fahrenheit) mempunyai sifat terapeutik terkenal, berkesan untuk kulit, sistem pernafasan dan sistem themusculoskeletal. Air sulfur keluar dari tanah dengan kecepatan 800 liter sesaat, yang menjamin kemurnian air. Ia dianggap sebagai salah satu mandian termal terbaik di dunia dan menggabungkan kemewahan dengan kesihatan, relaksasi, dan kesenangan, terima kasih juga kepada pemandangan yang ditawarkan oleh Saturnia kepada pengunjungnya. Saturnia terkenal di kalangan pelancong terutama kerana air terjun yang terletak kira-kira 1 km dari Thermal Baths. Sepanjang tahun, walaupun pada musim sejuk ketika bulan penuh, akses ke kolam air panas adalah percuma. Pengalaman yang luar biasa, terutama jika diikuti dengan makan malam yang baik di restoran tempatan, misalnya di Montemerano dan di Pitigliano, di mana terdapat banyak tempat yang menyenangkan. Legenda mengatakan bahawa mata air termal di puncak bukit Saturnia menggelegak di tempat yang tepat di mana petir Jupiter terhempas ke Bumi dalam pertempuran dengan Saturnus, sesuatu yang telah menarik banyak rasa ingin tahu terhadap mandi semula jadi ini selama berabad-abad. Legenda tidak begitu penting bagi pengunjung hari ini namun sebaliknya mereka lebih memperhatikan kesan menenangkan yang luar biasa memandikan mata air di minda, apatah lagi kualiti penyembuhan yang dikatakan oleh mereka ketika berkaitan dengan masalah otot, sendi, kardiovaskular dan pernafasan. Saturnia benar-benar adalah tempat yang sempurna untuk berehat dan berendam dan setelah sekejap sahaja perairan gunung berapi akan membuat keajaiban bagi tubuh dan jiwa anda, juga untuk bersantai untuk anak-anak anda.

MONTEMERANO : Montemerano adalah sebahagian kecil dari perbandaran Manciano, dan dianggap sebagai salah satu contoh terbaik dari kampung berdinding di Itali. Bahkan hari ini, sebenarnya, dikelilingi oleh tembok kota kuno, yang memberikannya rupa antik yang sangat menarik sehingga menjadi salah satu kampung tipikal di Tuscan Maremma. Ia dengan segera melihat pemandangan pusat bersejarahnya, sepenuhnya dari batu, dan dengan keanggunan masa lalu yang muncul dari banyak jalan dan dataran yang membentuk teras tertua yang, walaupun kecil, sangat cantik. Montemerano vostruito pada abad ketiga belas atas perintah keluarga Aldobrandeschi, yang mempunyai niat untuk menjadikannya benteng kota dalam semua aspek: tujuan yang muncul dengan jelas bukan hanya dari kehadiran tembok tetapi juga dari posisi di mana ia berada terletak. Montemerano, sebenarnya, berdiri di atas bukit, dari mana lebih mudah untuk melihat musuh yang masuk. Dimasukkan di litar perkampungan paling indah di Itali, ia memelihara monumen-monumen yang sangat menarik, seperti gereja San Giorgio dan gereja San Lorenzo, kedua-dua contoh seni bina suci yang sangat baik.

PITIGLIANO: Tidak hairanlah, Pitigliano telah termasuk di antara kampung paling indah di Itali. Kawasan di sekitar Pitigliano adalah khas dari Maremma dan wilayahnya berkisar dari perbatasan dengan wilayah Lazio hingga ke pegunungan Volsini, daerah tuff khas. Kota ini, sebenarnya, bersempadan dengan utara dengan perbandaran Sorano, di tenggara dengan wilayah Lazio dan, khususnya, dengan perbandaran Farnese, Ischia di Castro, Latera dan Valentano, sementara di sebelah barat kita dapati bandar Manciano. Ketinggian s.l.m. Pitigliano berjarak 300 hingga lebih dari 600 meter yang berkaitan dengan kawasan Poggio Evangelista, di sempadan timur dengan Lazio. Pitigliano terletak di sepanjang lebuh raya 74, oleh itu ia terletak di tengah-tengah antara sistem sambungan kawasan Tyrrhenian dan yang terletak di tengah Itali. Mengenai sejarah Pitigliano, pertama-tama orang-orang Etruscan yang di kuari tuff membina rumah mereka di sini dan yang hadir di lokasi dari Zaman Gangsa akhir, atau dari abad ke-12 hingga ke-11 SM, disebutkan. Kehadiran Etruscan juga terdapat di pusat data semasa penemuannya: tepatnya, kita berbicara mengenai sisa-sisa tembok yang terdapat di daerah yang dikenal sebagai Capisotto. Namun, dalam kapasitas resmi, Pitigliano muncul untuk pertama kalinya dalam seekor lembu jantan yang dikirim oleh Paus Nicholas II kepada ketua katedral Sovana pada tahun 1061. Keluarga Orsini memerintah Kabupaten Pitigliano selama beberapa abad, melindunginya dari Siena, Orvieto dan dari Medici Florence. Hanya pada tahun 1574, sebenarnya, Nicholas IV Orsini harus menyerahkan Pitigliano, karena beberapa hutang, kepada Florence of the Medici, sehingga menjadi bagian dari Grand Duchy of Tuscany. Pitigliano, pada tahun 1737, pergi ke Lorraine dan memulakan fasa pemulihan yang melelahkan. Ekonomi Pitigliano dikaitkan terutamanya dengan anggur yang mana terdapat pengeluaran besar dan menarik banyak pengunjung setiap tahun. Sebenarnya, wain dan minyak zaitun adalah dua produk yang paling baik di wilayah Tuscany dan Pitigliano, khususnya. Kebijaksanaan adalah pengembangan industri perlombongan, di sini terutamanya tepung fosil, batu apung dan tuff. Bulan yang paling padat untuk acara adalah tanpa keraguan pada bulan September kerana dikaitkan dengan arak. Pada kesempatan itu, Pesta Anggur, di mana pesta anggur tradisional dan anda dapat membuat cita rasa, tetapi juga menjamu selera, tenggelam dalam suasana persekitaran khas di mana tuff adalah tuannya, dikelilingi oleh muzik khas di tempat ini. Di antara hidangan khas gastronomi tempatan, roti gnocchi yang dibuat dengan roti Tuscan dan daging babi hutan, serta telur, keju Parmesan, minyak zaitun dan susu, dengan secubit lada menonjol. Ayam juga biasanya digulung di Pitigliano dan harus disiapkan, mengikut resipi klasik, dengan bawang putih, rosemary, lada, garam, lemon, cuka, anggur putih, minyak zaitun extra virgin, dan tentu saja, dengan cabai. Di antara pencuci mulut Pitigliano kami dapati Sfratti, gula-gula asal Yahudi yang disiapkan dengan tepung, pala, telur, gula, wain putih, madu, walnut, kulit jeruk dan, tegasnya, minyak zaitun extra virgin khas tempat itu. Sekali lagi, jangan lupa untuk merasakan apa yang disebut "Tortello dolce" yang boleh anda sediakan dengan menggorengnya atau bakar di dalam ketuhar, diisi dengan ricotta dan kayu manis dan dibumbui dengan minuman keras Alchermes. Di antara rasa ingin tahu, ingat bahawa di bawah Pitigliano semasa, terletak sebuah bandar bawah tanah dengan rongga yang memanjang hingga 100 meter. Di sini anda akan menemui bilik-bilik bawah tanah yang sangat digemari pelancong, di mana wain penting dipelihara.

TAWARAN ISTIMEWA: 500 euro Sehingga 7 atau 8 orang SELAMA 12 jam

7.00 pagi bertolak dari Rom tiba di air terjun Saturnia Gorello sekitar jam 9.30 dengan sarapan berhenti di sepanjang laluan.

berhenti di air terjun sepanjang pagi dan anda boleh berenang. kemasukan adalah percuma

pada pukul 01.00 tengah hari kami terus ke desa abad pertengahan Montemerano yang berjarak 20 minit dari Saturnia untuk makan tengah hari di restoran yang bagus dari masakan Tuscan dan mencicipi wain dan lawatan di kampung

jam 3 petang kami terus ke Pitigliano sebuah kampung abad pertengahan yang sangat tipikal dan menjanjikan untuk lawatan ke kampung tersebut

pada jam 6.00 petang bertolak untuk Rome Warnings: makan tengah hari tidak termasuk. anda mesti membawa baju renang dan tuala pantai jika anda tidak memilikinya, kami akan menjaga membawanya untuk anda


Cara Bersedia Untuk Lawatan Anda

Sekiranya anda merancang untuk memasukkan mata air panas ini dalam jadual perjalanan anda, terdapat beberapa perkara yang mesti anda ketahui:

& rArr Tidak ada ruang ganti awam, jadi anda mungkin mahu datang berpakaian baju renang anda. Sebilangan besar orang bersiap dengan tuala besar untuk mempermudah pakaian menjadi kering setelah selesai bersantai di perairan hangat.

& rArr Tempat letak kenderaan adalah percuma tetapi terhad. Terdapat banyak tempat di sebelah air terjun, walaupun dengan senang hati ia tidak menjadi pemandangan sambil menikmati air panas. Terdapat tempat letak kenderaan kedua yang tidak terlalu jauh di padang yang luas, hanya berjalan kaki singkat dan ditunjukkan dengan baik. Semasa musim tinggi, sukar untuk mendapatkan tempat dan mudah untuk mendapatkan tiket tempat letak kereta. Oleh itu, perhatikan di mana anda meletak kenderaan!

& rArr Kawasan ini hampir tidak dijaga oleh apa-apa jenis autoriti yang bermaksud tiada penyelamat. Anda akan menjumpai bar di lokasi dengan penggunaan bilik mandi terhad dan makanan khas bar. Setiap orang bertanggungjawab untuk membersihkan diri.

& rArr Kawasan di sekitar air terjun dan kolam dikelilingi oleh kerikil dan pasir sangat keras pada kaki yang tidak dilindungi. Cadangan saya adalah untuk datang dengan kasut air atau sekurang-kurangnya sandal jepit atau kasut yang anda tidak keberatan basah.

& rArr Bawa a tuala dan losyen suntan. Jangan tertipu memikirkan bahawa perairan akan melindungi anda dari overdosis sinar matahari. Terdapat sedikit tempat teduh di kawasan ini dan pada bulan-bulan musim panas, warna merah rubi sangat mudah.

& rArr Datang bersiap dengan minuman dan makanan ringan anda sendiri, bar laman web akan memberikan beberapa asas, tetapi ini bukan gambaran terbaik dari masakan Tuscan yang enak.

& rArr Walaupun banyak tempat akan memberitahu anda bahawa perairan ini adalah rahsia yang tersembunyi, mereka sebenarnya tidak! Ramai orang datang untuk menikmati perairan - jadi mereka sangat sibuk. Sangat menyenangkan untuk mencari kolam di mana anda dapat berdiri di bawah perairan terapi yang mengalir dari sumbernya, tetapi jika anda mencari lebih banyak privasi, anda boleh mengikuti perairan yang meninggalkan kolam utama untuk kawasan yang lebih tenang.


Apa yang Perlu Tahu Mengenai Saturnia

Di kawasan perbandaran Manciano di Maremma, anda akan melihat bahawa terdapat sebuah kota kecil yang terletak di puncak bukit yang menghadap ke mata air termal yang terkenal di dunia yang dikenali sebagai Saturnia. Bandar ini menyerupai nuansa Etruscan dan dapat dijumpai di sepanjang jalan Rom Clodia yang berada di tengah jalan Cassia dan Aurelia.

Cara bagaimana tempat ini menjadi sangat kuno kerana terbukti oleh Porta Romana yang indah, Roman Gates, yang berasal dari abad ke-2 SM yang terletak di dalam tembok abad pertengahan yang telah dibina oleh keluarga Aldobrandeschi. Itu berada di bawah kepemilikan Siena hingga abad ke-16 sejak ia dijadikan sebagai bagian dari Grand Duchy of Tuscany.

Apa yang menjadikan Saturnia sebagai destinasi yang menarik adalah mata air termal yang terkenal. Mandi termal ini terbuat dari beberapa mata air yang terbentang dari Gunung Amiata ke bukit Albenga dan Fiora dan sampai ke Roselle dan Talamone. Sebab lain untuk mempercayai masa lalu yang gemilang adalah Bagno Santo, Holy Bath, di mana ia dikenali sebagai tempat suci antediluvian yang terletak beberapa kilometer dari pusat. Gereja Santa Maria Maddalena abad pertengahan di Saturnia mesti dikunjungi kerana karya seni yang menawan. Anda juga mesti melihat Muzium Arkeologi dan Benteng Aldobrandeschi, tetapi yang terakhir ini tidak terbuka untuk umum.

Di Saturnia, terdapat perairan sulfur hangat yang terkenal oleh orang Rom dan Etruscan. Perairan ini memiliki suhu 37.5 ° C, dan dapat memberikan anda sifat santai dan terapeutik. Menurut legenda, mata air itu diciptakan kerana merupakan lokasi di mana petir Musytari jatuh dalam pertempurannya melawan Saturnus.

Selain dari pusat kesihatan dan spa mewah Saturnia, terdapat 2 air terjun luaran yang mesti anda periksa iaitu: Cascate del Gorello dan Cascate del Mulino. Sekiranya anda gemar mengunjungi mata air semula jadi yang paling terkenal di Tuscany, maka Cascate del Mulino adalah tempat yang sesuai. Air terjun itu sendiri santai dan selain itu, ia mempunyai beberapa kolam air panas semulajadi yang pasti akan menambahkan pengalaman. Tempat ini terbuka untuk umum sepanjang tahun, dan bahagian terbaik adalah percuma! Satu-satunya perkara yang anda perlu bimbangkan adalah tempat letak kereta. Semasa musim puncak, anda akan mengalami kesukaran untuk mencari tempat letak kereta, dan jika anda meletak kenderaan secara haram, maka mudah bagi anda untuk mendapatkan tiket tempat letak kereta kerana polis selalu melakukan rondaan di sana. Oleh itu, sebelum anda berehat, pastikan anda meletak kenderaan dengan cara yang betul terlebih dahulu.

Oleh itu, semasa anda berada di Maremma, jangan lupa mampir ke Saturnia dan mata air termal. Tempat ini benar-benar merupakan permata kerana di sinilah sejarah dan alam liar menyatu dengan sempurna sehingga menjadikan Tuscany sebagai tempat percutian yang ideal setiap kali anda mengunjungi Itali!


Gunung, lima puncak dan perkampungan Pentedattilo yang terbengkalai

Pemandangan Pentedattilo. Foto: Gunold / Dreamstime

Tidak jauh dari Reggio Calabria, jauh ke indah Taman Negara Aspromonte dan di tengah-tengah kawasan berbahasa Griko di rantau ini (Griko adalah dialek, sisa-sisa kehadiran orang Yunani lama di sini), pelancong yang ingin tahu akan menemui salah satu bandar hantu yang paling terkenal di negara ini, Pentedattilo.

Dari Utara ke Selatan, kota-kota hantu di Itali banyak, hasil gabungan antara keperluan ekonomi dan bahaya wilayah: Bussana Vecchia, di Liguria, dan Apice Vecchia, di Campania, ditinggalkan kerana gempa bumi Craco, di Basilicata, kerana tanah runtuh dan Savogno, di Lombardia, menjadi mangsa keperluan masyarakatnya untuk mencari pekerjaan di bandar dan bandar berdekatan.

Dan kemudian, ada Pentedattilo. Cuma nama lain dalam senarai panjang tempat yang dilupakan, atau nampaknya, oleh orang, masa dan sejarah. Tetapi adakah ia benar-benar seperti itu? Sebenarnya Pentedattilo, seperti banyak bandar hantu Itali, mungkin tidak lagi menjadi rumah bagi banyak orang, tetapi telah menikmati kebangkitan semula dalam beberapa dekad kebelakangan ini. Mari lihat bagaimana dan mengapa.

Pentedattilo adalah sebuah dusun kecil di daerah Melito Porto Salvo, dibina sepenuhnya di tebing Monte Calvario, kira-kira 250 meter dari aras laut. Monte Calvario memiliki bentuk yang sangat pelik, yang memberikan namanya kepada Pentedattilo: puncaknya kelihatan seperti lima jari yang memanjang ke langit, sehingga nama Yunani asal penempatan itu, pènta-daktylos, yang bermaksud, "lima jari." Pada zaman kegemilangannya, ia bahkan mempunyai sebuah istana, yang pada hari ini, hanya beberapa reruntuhan yang tersisa di sekitarnya, kampung lama itu dikembangkan, dalam bentuk dan bentuknya yang masih ada.

Pentedattilo hari ini adalah sebuah bandar yang ditinggalkan. Foto: Marcobarone / Dreamstime

Seperti namanya, Pentedattilo pertama kali diduduki oleh orang Yunani pada tahun 640 SM: ia adalah pusat yang hidup dan makmur dan juga mempunyai peranan ketenteraan yang penting, yang disimpan sepanjang zaman Yunani-Rom. Setelah kemerosotan Empayar Rom Barat, wilayah ini diperintah oleh orang-orang Byzantium dan lama kemerosotan, ditandai dengan kemiskinan dan serangan Saracen yang kerap, bermula. Pada abad ke-12, Pentedattilo ditaklukkan oleh orang-orang Norman dan diturunkan di tangan sejumlah keluarga bangsawan: bagaimanapun, dua keluarga khususnya yang mengaitkan nama mereka dengan nama kampung, Keluarga Alberti dan juga Keluarga Abenavoli. Mereka berada di tengah-tengah peristiwa yang menyedihkan dan tragis, yang Pembunuhan Alberti, yang berlaku pada tahun 1686 dan itu untuk membentuk sejarah kampung.

Alberti, penaklukan Pentedattilo, telah berjaya sebagai penguasa di kota Abenavoli, dan hubungan antara kedua keluarga tidak pernah baik. Perkara nampaknya menjadi lebih baik, ketika Bernardino Abenavoli diminta untuk berkahwin Antonietta, anak perempuan Marquis. Itu bukan tindakan yang luar biasa: kita semua tahu bahawa, pada masa lalu, banyak perselisihan keluarga diselesaikan melalui perkahwinan gabungan. Dalam keadaan biasa, saudara Antonietta — yang tidak peduli dengan perniagaannya dan membiarkan ayah menjalankan pertunjukan - memutuskan untuk memberikan tangan adiknya kepada Don Petrillo Cortez, putera Viceroy dari Naples. Seperti yang anda bayangkan, Bernardino tidak terkesan dan pada malam 16 April 1686, dia menerobos istana Alberti di Pentedattilo dan membunuh semua orang, termasuk Simone Alberti yang berusia 9 tahun. Dia hanya menyelamatkan Antonietta dan Petrillo Cortez , untuk memastikan Viceroy tidak akan membalas. Tetapi Cortez, seperti mana yang akan dilakukan oleh seorang lelaki dan penguasa tentera yang baik pada masa itu, memilih pedang dan menghantar tenteranya ke Pentedattilo. Sebilangan konspirator ditangkap dan dibunuh, tetapi Bernardino berjaya melarikan diri bersama Antonietta, yang pertama kali dia nikahi dan kemudian ditinggalkan di sebuah biara. Legenda mengatakan bahawa Bernardino, akhirnya, masuk dalam tentera Austria dan mati dalam pertempuran.

Walaupun pembunuhan keluarga Alberti secara historis nyata, sebilangan besar legenda berkembang di sekitarnya. Sebagai contoh, dikatakan bahawa lima puncak Monte Calvario yang menyerupai jari pada suatu hari akan jatuh ke atas desa untuk menghukum penduduknya kerana dahaga darah Bernardino yang lain mengatakan bahawa puncak itu melambangkan tangan berdarah Bernardino Abenavoli sendiri, dan itulah sebabnya penduduk tempatan sebut gunung itu "Tangan Iblis."

Seperti yang berlaku dalam kisah hantu yang menghormati diri sendiri, ada yang bersumpah bahawa mereka dapat mendengar tangisan Albertis masih bergema pada waktu malam, ketika sangat berangin, di antara lima jari Tangan Iblis.

Jalan di Pentedattilo. Foto: Sabine Katzenberger / Dreamstime

Sejarah Pentedattilo seolah-olah mengingatkan bahawa Abenavoli sebenarnya menarik kejahatan dan negatif di kampung kerana, kurang dari 100 tahun kemudian, ia teruk dirosakkan oleh gempa bumi: awal akhir. Penduduknya merasakan Pentedattilo tidak lagi selamat dan mencari perlindungan - dan pekerjaan yang lebih baik - di Melito Porto Salvo yang berdekatan. Oleh kerana itu, pada tahun 1811 Pentedattilo kehilangan status perbandarannya dan menjadi dusun kampung yang lebih besar.

Pentedattilo tetap menghadapi risiko gempa yang tinggi, dan sering membanjiri: inilah sebabnya pada tahun 1968, hampir tiga abad setelah pembunuhan beramai-ramai yang membawa kesuraman dan musibah ke atasnya, ia dinyatakan tidak dapat dihuni dan akhirnya ditinggalkan pada tahun 1971.

Kehidupan mula tersenyum lagi pada Pentedattilo di 1980-an, ketika beberapa persatuan dengan anggota dari seluruh dunia memutuskan untuk membangunkannya semula. Oleh itu, pengrajin dan seniman tempatan kembali ke rumah batu yang terbengkalai, membetulkannya dan membuka atelier dan kedai. Muzium warisan dan hasil tempatan juga dibuka sejak itu, termasuk Muzium Tradisi Popular, dan juga Casa del Bergamotto, didedikasikan untuk penanaman bergamot kuno di daerah tersebut.

Terdapat lebih banyak lagi: setiap musim panas, Pentedattilo juga mengadakan dua festival seni penting, iaitu Paleariza, sebuah acara perjalanan yang bertujuan untuk mengekalkan warisan dialek Yunani yang dituturkan di daerah itu, dan Pesta Filem Pentedattilo, dikhaskan untuk pengarah filem pendek yang baru muncul.

Walaupun tinggal di Pentedattilo bukan lagi pilihan, sejarah dan warisannya tetap hidup dan masih dapat dinikmati, hari demi hari, oleh semua pengunjung yang ingin mengetahui lebih banyak mengenai mereka.

Non lontano da Reggio Calabria, nel profondo del bellissimo Parco Nazionale dell & # 8217Aspromonte e nel cuore dell & # 8217area di lingua grika della regione (il griko è un dialetto, residuo dell & # 8217antica presenza dei greci), i viagio deiói dei, dei deiói dei, dei deiói dei, deiói dei, deiói dei, dei dei dei più famosi del Belpaese: Pentedattilo.

Da nord a sud, le città fantasma sono molte, frutto di un mix tra mustità economiche e pericoli territoriali: Bussana Vecchia, di Liguria, e Apice Vecchia, di Campania, negara sono mengabaikan kausa di un terremoto Craco, di Basilicata, sebab di una frana e Savogno, di Lombardia, ha subito la requità dei suoi abitanti di trovare lavoro nelle città e nei paesi vicini.

E poi c & # 8217è Pentedattilo. Solo un altro nome dalam pencariana lunga lista di luoghi dimenticati, così sembra, dalla gente, dal tempo e dalla storia. Ma è davvero così? Dalam realtà Pentedattilo, datanglah molti dei paesi fantasma d & # 8217Italia, non è più la casa di molte persone, ma negli ultimi decenni sta vivendo una rinascita. Vediamo datang dan perché.

Pentedattilo è una piccola frazione del comune di Melito Porto Salvo, costruita interamente su una rupe del Monte Calvario, sekitar 250 metri sul livello del mare. Il Monte Calvario ha una forma molto particolare, che ha dato a Pentedattilo il suo nome: le sue cime sembrano cinque dita protese nel cielo, da cui il nome originale greco dell & # 8217insediamento, pènta-daktylos, che indica proprio questoque, & # 8220 dita & # 8221. Nel suo periodo d & # 8217oro, aveva anche un castello, di cui oggi rimangono solo alcune rovine intorno ad esso si sviluppò l & # 8217antico villaggio, nella forma che ha tuttora.
Datang ci dice il suo nome, Pentedattilo fu Occata per la prima volta dai greci nel 640 a.C .: fu un centro vivace e lucko ed ebbe anche un importante ruolo militare, che fu mantenuto per tutto il periodo greco-romano. Dopo il declino dell’Impero Romano d’Occidente, la zona fu governata dai Bizantini e iniziò un lungo periodo di decadenza, segnato dalla povertà e dalle frequenti incursioni saracene. Nel XII secolo, Pentedattilo fu conquistata dai Normanni e passò nelle mani di alcune famiglie nobili: furono però due famiglie in particolare ad associare il loro nome a quello del paese, gli Alberti e gli Abenavoli. Esse sono al centro di un evento doloroso e tragico, il massacro degli Alberti, che ebbe luogo nel 1686 e che segnò la storia del paese.

Gli Alberti, marchesi di Pentedattilo, erano succeduti agli Abenavoli come governanti della città, e i rapporti tra le due famiglie non erano mai stati buoni. Le cose sembrarono migliorare, quando Bernardino Abenavoli chiese di sposare Antonietta, figlia del marchese. Non era una mossa insolita: sappiamo tutti che, in passato, molte faide familiari venivano risolte attraverso matrimoni combinati. Con un tipico colpo di scena, il fratello di Antonietta – incapace di farsi gli affari suoi e lasciare che fosse il padre a dirigere lo spettacolo – decise di concedere la mano della sorella a Don Petrillo Cortez, figlio del viceré di Napoli. Come potete immaginare, Bernardino non ne fu contento e così, la notte del 16 aprile 1686, irruppe nel castello degli Alberti a Pentedattilo e uccise tutti, compreso il piccolo Simone Alberti, di 9 anni. Salvò solo Antonietta e Petrillo Cortez, per assicurarsi che il viceré non si sarebbe vendicato. Ma Cortez, come avrebbe fatto ogni buon militare e governante di quei tempi, optò per la spada e mandò il suo esercito a Pentedattilo. Alcuni dei cospiratori furono catturati e uccisi, ma Bernardino riuscì a fuggire con Antonietta, che prima sposò e poi abbandonò in un convento. Le leggende dicono che Bernardino, alla fine, si arruolò nell’esercito austriaco e morì in battaglia.
Se il massacro della famiglia Alberti è storicamente avvenuto, un gran numero di leggende è fiorito intorno ad esso. Per esempio, si dice che le cinque cime del Monte Calvario, simili a dita, un giorno cadranno sul villaggio per punire gli abitanti per la sete di sangue di Bernardino si dice anche che le cime simboleggiano la mano sanguinante di Bernardino Abenavoli, ed è per questo che la gente del posto chiama la montagna la “Mano del Diavolo”.

Come accade in ogni storia di fantasmi che si rispetti, alcuni giurano di poter ancora sentire le grida degli Albertini riecheggiare di notte, quando c’è molto vento, tra le cinque dita rocciose della Mano del Diavolo.

La storia di Pentedattilo sembra suggerire in modo inquietante che Abenavoli abbia effettivamente attirato il male e la negatività sul paese perché, meno di 100 anni dopo, fu gravemente danneggiato da un terremoto: l’inizio della fine. La sua gente sentì che Pentedattilo non era più sicura e cercò protezione – e migliori lavori – nella vicina Melito Porto Salvo. A causa di ciò, nel 1811 Pentedattilo perse il suo status di comune e divenne una frazione del villaggio più grande.
Pentedattilo rimase ad alto rischio sismico, e si allagò spesso: per questo nel 1968, quasi tre secoli dopo la strage che portò su di esso tenebre e disgrazie, fu dichiarato inabitabile e infine abbandonato nel 1971.
La vita ha ripreso a sorridere a Pentedattilo negli anni 󈨔, quando diverse associazioni con membri provenienti da tutto il mondo hanno deciso di riqualificarlo. E così, artigiani e artisti locali sono tornati nelle case di pietra abbandonate, le hanno sistemate e hanno aperto atelier e negozi. Da allora sono stati aperti anche musei del patrimonio e dei prodotti locali, tra cui il Museo delle tradizioni popolari e la Casa del Bergamotto, dedicata all’antica coltivazione del bergamotto tipica della zona.
C’è di più: ogni estate, Pentedattilo ospita anche due importanti festival d’arte, Paleariza, una manifestazione itinerante volta a mantenere vivo il patrimonio del dialetto greco parlato nella zona, e il Pentedattilo Film Festival, dedicato ai registi emergenti di cortometraggi.
Anche se vivere a Pentedattilo non è più possibile, la sua storia e il suo patrimonio sono mantenuti vivi e possono ancora essere goduti, giorno dopo giorno, da tutti i visitatori che vogliono saperne di più.


The Crusader Army Crosses into Asia Minor III

The crusader leaders acted quickly. Nicaea fell on 19 June. On 26 June the first contingents left Nicaea, amongst them the Normans of South Italy. Various groups left subsequently, the last being the Provençals on 28 June and the army gathered at a place where there was a bridge, which Anna Comnena identifies as Lefke, about twenty-five kilometres east of Nicaea. A number of crusaders had stayed behind at Nicaea and took service with the emperor, while Anselm of Ribemont was sent to the imperial court by the leaders in order to settle outstanding business. They had already decided to go to Antioch, so necessarily they had to direct their path towards the old Byzantine fortress at Dorylaeum (Eskişehir) which was the gateway to the Anatolian plateau. The sources are quite clear that in the two days of march after the concentration of the army they broke into two groups, a vanguard and a main force. Raymond of Aguilers says that this happened after one day’s march, which suggests that the Provençals had left Nicaea a day later than the first contingents. We know how they divided the vanguard was led by Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, probably fewer than 20,000 in all. The second, larger force, comprising the rest of the army was under Robert of Flanders, Hugh of Vermandois, Godfrey de Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse, – rather more than 30,000 strong. It is more difficult to suggest why this happened. Fulcher, who was in the vanguard, simply confesses that he does not know the Anonymous says there was confusion in the dark as the army left its place of concentration, while Raymond of Aguilers says that it was the fault of Bohemond and his companions who rushed on rashly (temere). Albert of Aix says that it was the result of a deliberate decision of the princes who after two days of marching the army together, now felt the need to divide it for foraging. Ralph of Caen tells us that some thought the division deliberate, and specifically denies this, which suggests that even after the crusade the matter was still being debated. It is likely that sheer size and the lack of any overall commander were the real reasons. The army of Frederick Barbarossa on the Third Crusade was 100,000 strong and seems to have taken three days to pass any single point. The sources for the battle of Dorylaeum make clear that most of the casualties were suffered by stragglers between the two forces, which would suggest that the host became strung out simply as a result of the natural frictions of the march. The disagreements and uncertainty of the three eyewitnesses – Raymond with the main force, Fulcher and the Anonymous with the vanguard, support this view. It also reflects the incoherence of the crusade’s command arrangements. It is worth remembering that the baggage train of Peter the Hermit’s much smaller force straggled a mile along the road and that the crusader army at its maximum strength was well over twice that size. But perhaps the leaders conferred at some point and gave their blessing to a division already becoming apparent. At the time of the battle Raymond of Aguilers says quite clearly that the two parts of the army were two miles apart – over five kilometres.

The crusaders had now begun a march which would result in what is conventionally called the battle of Dorylaeum, for Anna Comnena says that it took place when Kilij Arslan ambushed Bohemond and the vanguard ‘on the plain of Dorylaeum’. In a letter of the leaders to the West on 11 September 1098, they referred to the battle at ‘Dorotilla’ which sounds very like the same place. One manuscript of the chronicle of Raymond of Aguilers refers to the battle ‘in campo florido’. Albert says that the battle took place ‘in vallem Degorganhi’, now called the Orellis, but later has Bohemond’s messenger to the other leaders say that the enemy attacked down the Orellis into the Degorganhi: neither of these place names can be identified and Albert does later use the name Orellis to mean somewhere quite different. However, there are grave difficulties about the idea that the battle was fought at or near Dorylaeum. The Anonymous says that the army marched one day from Nicaea and encamped for two days by a bridge while all the contingents gathered, then marched for two days until the battle on the third day. Raymond of Aguilers says that on the third day after the concentration of the army they met the enemy. Anselm says that after a two day march they encountered the enemy on the morning of the third day which was ‘kal. Iulii’, 1 July Fulcher confirms the date and confirms that the battle began in the morning. Thus the crusade began to leave Nicaea on 26 June and concentrated at a river crossing, from which it departed on 29 June. It then marched for two days and fought the enemy in the morning of 1 July. When we examine the distances and the likely rates of march of the crusader army it is evident that they could not have reached the close vicinity of Dorylaeum in this time. Anna Comnena says that the army concentrated at the bridge of Lefke, which probably means the bridge over the Göksu, a western tributary of the Sakarya Nehri. Nicaea to Lefke on the Roman road is twenty-five kilometres, and Dorylaeum another ninety kilometres. If, as has been suggested, the army marched south to the Göksu and crossed it in the vicinity of Yenişhehir (a distance of thirty kilometres) they still had to cover roughly the same distance to Dorylaeum. A study of the rates of march of the individual armies across Europe to Constantinople suggests that, in the most favourable circumstances, the forces of Godfrey and Peter the Hermit never did more than twenty-nine kilometres per day. The army which left Nicaea was much larger and lacked a clear overall command and is likely to have progressed much more slowly. Barbarossa’s army probably managed about twenty-nine kilometres per day in Europe.86 Even at these rates the army would have been about thirty kilometres short of Dorylaeum after two days of marching, but they were probably moving much more slowly for they were in the presence of the enemy and encumbered with a heavy baggage-train. We can reasonably accurately date the departure of the army from Dorylaeum and its arrival at Antioch as being 4 July to 20 October. In 105 days of marching (with fifteen days of rest) they travelled 1180 kilometres, an average of thirteen kilometres per day which the Chronologie of Hagenmeyer suggests varied between eight and eighteen kilometres. There is no point in seeking comparison with events after Antioch when the army was much smaller. Furthermore, the crusaders knew the enemy were about and this would have restricted their speed, even if the vanguard did push on somewhat. All this suggests that the battle could not have taken place more than forty kilometres, or just conceivably fifty kilometres, south of Lefke or the Göksu crossing. Hagenmeyer recognised the problem and suggested Bozüyük just over fifty kilometres south of Lefke and about the same from Yenişhehir. This is probably as far as the army could conceivably have reached and it certainly could be regarded as being in the valley of Dorylaeum, as suggested by the letter of the leaders. Runciman points out that a Byzantine road runs further north through Sögüt and enters the plain ten kilometres short of Dorylaeum, where he thinks the battle took place. However, as Runciman admits, although this road does cross rivers, the countryside was very steep indeed and this probably rules out any of these crossings. But more simply, this was most certainly further than the army could have reached. What is clear is that the battle took place in a wide valley, for Albert says that Bohemond’s force was well to the right of the main force as well as ahead of it. Moreover, there was a river, for Albert mentions streams and Ralph of Caen, whose description is detailed, says that it was fought after a river crossing. William of Tyre follows Albert for the most part but with some variations. He says that the army followed a river in the valley of Gorgoni, and that the main force was to the right of Bohemond’s, reversing Albert’s statement. Albert’s account of a battle fought where two valleys join, taken together with Raymond’s mention of the ‘flowered field’ and the general description of the battle, suggests that it was fought in open land on the road towards Dorylaeum, and the comments of Albert and Ralph indicate not far from a river crossing or crossings, although these played no role in the major action. In fact to understand the battle we need to understand fully the circumstances in which the army found itself, the country and its road system.

After the capture of Nicaea it is clear from Stephen’s letter that the leaders had decided to march to Antioch, and evidently they had decided not to take the coastal route. They also rejected the ‘Pilgrim Road’ due east from Nicaea via Iuliopolis (near the modern village of Çayirbano) and Ancyra (Ankara) down through the heart of Asia Minor and across the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. Instead they decided to mount the Anatolian plateau towards the Byzantine military station at Dorylaeum (modern Eskişehir) which, at 800 metres commands the obvious point of entry to the plateau via a broad valley the sides of which rise to 1,200 metres and beyond. Because Anna Comnena mentions the bridge at Lefke it has been assumed that the host marched east from Nicaea up the gently sloping plain, over the watershed and into the valley of the Sakarya and then up that of its southern tributary, the Kara Su, to its upper reaches just north of Bozüyük, where the land opens out into the wide valley which leads to Dorylaeum. But it is difficult to believe that the army would have taken this route, for the valley of the Kara Su, even in its lower reaches, is very steep and difficult and at Bilecik enters a spectacular gorge before narrowing even further into a grim steep defile which would have formed a perfect ambush site. The Byzantine road forked at Bilecik providing a road via modern Sögüt to Dorylaeum, but this road too is dangerously scenic and offers no open sites until it is very close to Dorylaeum. It is far more likely that the crusaders marched south from Nicaea. The first stage of this journey over the Avdan Dagi, whose peaks rise to 835 metres would have been quite difficult but thereafter they could cross the Göksu in the vicinity of modern Yenişehehir. From there a Roman road crossed the Ahl Dag, which rise to 1000 metres and emerged into the broad valley above Bozüyük, roughly where the modern Ego road from Bursa meets route 650 from Bilecik, just south of the narrow gorges of the Kara Su and some three to five kilometres north of Bozüyük. While by no means easy this route is no longer and offered a much more open approach to the high plateau. It is very likely that it was at this junction of roads in the plain that the battle of Dorylaeum took place. Albert clearly indicates that the site was where two valleys meet, and the open ground here is about the right distance from the crossing of the Göksu. Moreover, the Anonymous says that when the crusader force came it formed up to the right of Bohemond’s trapped vanguard – it was, therefore, from the right that the attack came. This is also the force of Albert’s insistence on telling us that the vanguard moved to the right of the main force and William of Tyre’s careful correction that they were to the left, which fits with the Anonymous’s account. Both are explaining the subsequent alignment of the battle. This would fit with the suggestion made here that the crusaders approached along the gentle valley from the west and were ambushed by the Turkish army lying in the southern valley to their right. The logic of the battle is clear. Kilij Arslan and his Turks were returning to the fray. This time he had concluded an alliance with the Danishmend Emir and together they were ready to attack the Franks. They chose to do so on the approaches to the high plateau and at a point of maximum advantage where they could lay an ambush and destroy an isolated part of the crusader force before its main weight could be brought to bear. It was the strategy of the Nicaea attack, but this time in less confined ground where Turkish speed of manoeuvre could be maximised. The Turkish army was probably much smaller than the total force of the crusaders and so had to avoid direct conflict with the main force and defeat their enemy in detail. Fulcher’s 360,000, though supported by the Anonymous, is sheer fantasy. In the accounts of the Crusade of 1101 we hear of the 700 knights in the rearguard of the main Lombard army being savaged by 500 Turks, while the army which destroyed the Bavarian and Aquitainian army was only 4,000 in all. The Turkish force was entirely mounted and was probably roughly equal to the knights in the whole crusader host. Therefore, a battle of movement involving the cavalry element would nullify the huge numeric advantage of the western forces and, in the attack on the crusader vanguard, Kilij Arslan would actually outnumber the western knights. If the Franks had marched up the gorge of the Kara Su they would surely have attacked them there, just as they would later destroy the Byzantine army at Myriokephalon in 1176.

On the evening of 30 June Fulcher and Ralph of Caen both say that the vanguard saw Turkish forces, substantiating intelligence which had already suggested that they were in the vicinity this last comment suggests that Tatikios was with the vanguard, although no chronicler mentions him. Clearly at least, the vanguard, more than five kilometres ahead of the main force, were aware of the enemy presence.95 Albert of Aachen places the battle in the evening – starting as the army camped at the ninth hour, late afternoon. However, Albert here seems to be trying to make sense of his sources, hence perhaps his error on which side of the valley the vanguard was following, for his suggestion of an evening battle is connected with the act of making camp. But the Anonymous says that the battle raged from the third to ninth hour, and Fulcher suggests that the vanguard was on its own from the first to sixth hour (6–7am–noon). As these writers were actually with the front force they should be preferred, particularly as Ralph of Caen confirms their story that contact was made with the enemy on the evening before the battle and that the march was resumed the next morning when the crusaders were forced to pitch camp when it became apparent that a large enemy army was present. It was probably making sense of this sequence of events which confused Albert whose account, however, contains much valuable information. Fulcher’s account is peculiarly vivid for he was in the camp where: ‘We were all indeed huddled together like sheep in a fold, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies so that we could not turn in any direction’, while the Anonymous was with the knights of the vanguard who were outside the camp from which the women brought water.97 Ralph says that after an anxious night the army moved on and forced the passage of a river after which the appearance of the enemy compelled them to pitch their camp Fulcher says they camped by a marsh which gave them some protection from the enemy and that later the enemy broke across the marsh. His account of murderous fighting in the camp is supported by Albert, who says that Robert of Paris died there trying to help the rank and file and adds the picturesque detail that young women tried to make themselves look beautiful so that they would be spared the sword. Ralph of Caen shows the knights depressed by their inability to save the others. Crusader sources therefore suggest two distinct actions within the battle. Fulcher speaks of the leaders fighting while those like him in the camp desperately resisted. Albert says that at the sight of the enemy Bohemond and the knights rode forward but were unable to prevent the Turks getting into the camp. Ralph tells us that when the camp was pitched the knights attacked the enemy, but were driven back in disorder and saved only by Robert of Normandy who rallied them with scornful words – subsequently they were involved in heavy fighting in which Tancred’s brother William was killed. The Anonymous says that when the enemy were sighted Bohemond ordered the foot to pitch camp and the knights to attack the enemy, and then makes it clear that the cavalry were driven back on the camp, for he says that in the subsequent fighting the women brought water to them. Raymond of Aguilers suggests that the camp was sacked by the enemy. Ralph says that thereafter the knights fought hard, commanded separately by Bohemond and Robert of Normandy, and appears to show these men imposing solid discipline upon their followers. The Anonymous tells us that from the first the vanguard was surrounded – ‘we are encircled’ he has Bohemond say – yet Fulcher speaks of a marsh on one side of the camp protecting them and the subsequent development of the battle was to the vanguard’s right. This can be explained by reference to the lie of the land. The convergence of the two valleys forms a natural basin against the northern rim of which Bohemond was pinned by the Turkish main force, but smaller troops of the enemy probably menaced from the surrounding hills, for the Anonymous mentions the enemy presence there.

Bohemond is 5 km ahead of the main army in company with Robert of Normandy and the Counts of Blois and Flanders together with the Byzantines having descended from Nicaea to the northwest they enter the main valley leading to Dorylaeum and see the Turks. Bohemond orders his foot to make camp quickly and throws forward his cavalry to protect them.

The Franco-Norman cavalry is driven back on the camp, rallied by its leaders, and forms the outer shell of resistance in a ‘wearing-out fight’. The crusader army is surrounded, though partially protected by a marsh (location conjectural). They cling on, relying on their compact mass hoping for help from the main force.

Godfrey and the Provençals of the main army arrive forcing the Turks to break off their attack and turn to meet the new threat to their left. The new arrivals form up to the RIGHT of Bohemond’s beleaguered force.

The Count of Toulouse enters the main valley through the Drumlins which mark its western shoulder, and his attack on their rear and left forces the Turks to flee leaving victory to the Crusaders.

Throughout the morning there was heavy and unpleasant fighting at close quarters. The western knights seem to have been pinned against the southern side of their camp holding off the Turks who, however, were able to penetrate from other sides despite the difficulties presented by a marsh on one side and the considerable resistance of the crusader footmen. About noon, after five to six hours of this bitter fighting, the knights of the main force came up to relieve their comrades. The Anonymous describes the formation of a battle line, but this is the tidiness of hindsight. The main force was probably well out of sight of the battle in the western valley and, although messages seem to have been sent back early, it was not until about noon that they appeared. This is not surprising, for the main army’s knights had to prepare themselves for battle and then to ride five kilometres along a road which was probably choked with transport and stragglers. It is unlikely that they had much time to form into line. Far to the right, the bishop of Le Puy seems to have charged behind a small hill and come upon the enemy now turning to face the new threat on their left, from the rear. At the convergence of the two valleys there are a number of glacial drumlins and one of these was probably the hill to which reference is made. There is no reason to believe that this was planned rather a pell-mell battle developed in which skirmishes such as that in which Godfrey with 50 sodales attacked what they believed to be Kilij Arslan and his household on a low hill were the rule. A running fight ensued in which the enemy often turned to fight causing casualties like Gerard of Quiersy. The enemy’s camp was sacked and the nomads were pursued along the road so that, for two or three days after, the army passed enemy soldiers and horses fallen by the wayside. Casualties appear to have been heavy although how far we can regard Albert’s 4,000 Christians and 3,000 Turks as precise figures is a different matter. They do, however, sound small enough to be credible and large enough to suggest heavy fighting. Large numbers of the main force, the foot, the non-combatants generally and presumably some knights, were never engaged at all. It is interesting that Fulcher says that most of the casualties were those caught straggling between the two crusader armies, a comment substantiated by Raymond of Aguilers.

Dorylaeum was a nasty experience for the crusaders. They were not caught totally by surprise in that they knew the enemy were near, but it is odd that the leaders in the vanguard did not warn the main force behind them. Presumably, they simply took it for granted that the enemy was around but could not guess that his main force was so close. It is unlikely that Kilij Arslan was ignorant of the whereabouts of the crusader main force. He attempted to destroy their smaller element in favourable circumstances, counting on numeric superiority to bring victory in a mobile battle over the knights in the vanguard. The crusaders were alert and their foot prepared to pitch camp while an element of the knights confronted the enemy and were put to flight, falling back on the camp where their solid formation, and the fact that the site was confined by the edge of the plain and a marsh, enabled them to resist the Turks. The Turks were drawn into close quarter fighting both against the knights and in amongst the tents and baggage. ‘The enemy were helped by numbers’, says Ralph, referring to the knights, ‘we by our armour’, which suggests that the knights adopted a solid formation and refused to be broken up by the enemy’s attacks with arrows and missiles. The stall-fed horses of the western knights may have been larger than the ponies of the Turks, and this weight advantage may have helped to solidify their resistance but, in general it was of no more use to them than it had been to the Byzantines. The western knights in the vanguard must have been quite helpless and the progress of the Turks in the camp would have destroyed their entire position, but relief came. Both sides seem to have been surprised by the enemy. The crusaders were appalled by the enemy tactics which struck the Anonymous as menacing and daring and Fulcher as totally new: ‘to all of us such warfare was unknown’. He was also struck by the fact that the enemy were entirely mounted: ‘All were mounted. On the other hand we had both footmen and bowmen.’ Albert of Aix remarks time after time in his account on Turkish use of the bow which clearly struck the crusaders as novel. But the leaders had been warned by Alexius and Frankish contact with the east, and even those in the vanguard managed to keep control of their forces – though luck played its part in this. Furthermore, they seem to have made sure that all were alert, for although the timing of the attack was a surprise, as probably was its direction, when it came, camp of a sort was made quickly. From the viewpoint of the crusaders, what is striking is that the battle evolved and was never directed. Although only a fraction of the crusader army was engaged, their advantage in numbers had much to do with their victory – just as it had at Nicaea. For Kilij Arslan seems to have repeated the error made at Nicaea he counted on the enemy panicking under a surprise attack. When they resisted he was drawn into a bloody close-quarter battle in which the crusader footsoldiers in the camp made stiff resistance, partly because of their very numbers. As at Nicaea the appearance of a relief force, in this case one part of which under Adhémar came from an unexpected direction, drove his men from the field. That this was a pell-mell affair with no evidence of overall command (which led to the division in the crusader ranks in the first place) should not be allowed to detract from the quality of the crusader leadership. The army was alert and when the surprise attack came managed to establish a camp which subsequently formed a fortress. Robert of Normandy rallied knights alarmed by the novel methods of the enemy and subsequently he and Bohemond imposed a discipline upon them. The enemy broke into the camp and did much destruction, but the foot evidently fought hard, otherwise the camp which anchored the cavalry in their struggle would have been swept away. All of this suggests a formidable coherence in the crusader army and a considerable will to fight. It must be remembered that the terror which they inspired had served the Turks well in their fights with the Byzantines and others who found their missile tactics difficult to counter. Above all, the sense of isolation created by encirclement panicked large forces time after time. At Dorylaeum some of the knights did panic – those under Bohemond – but they were rallied by Robert of Normandy. Once discipline and solidity of formation was reimposed, partly because they simply couldn’t do anything else pinned against their own tents, the knights found that they could resist – though fairly passively. It was a lesson Nicephorous Botaneiates had learned as a general under Constantine IX during a retreat in the presence of the Patzinacks:

[Botaneiates] ordered his men not to spread out as the rest of the men were seen to be doing and not to turn their backs to the enemy making themselves into a target for Pecheneg arrows. … The Pechenegs on seeing a small group which advanced information and in battle order, made a violent sortie against them. … retired when they saw it was impossible to disperse the Byzantines…. They were unable to engage the Byzantines in hand-to-hand combat for having made a trial of close fighting, they had many times lost a great number of men.

In any case, there was a limit to the losses the Turks were prepared to take. The loss of Nicaea was a blow to the Seljuk Kilij Arslan for like his father he aspired to be something more than a ruler of nomads – hence the acquisition of Nicaea as a capital and the effort to seize Antioch under Sulayman. But he was a lord of nomads and for them murderous casualties were simply not worthwhile before an enemy who could be evaded and whose departure would allow them to return to their pasture-lands. If Albert’s figure of 3,000 is in any way to be believed they had suffered badly enough for their leader’s ambitions. Only once again would they stand and fight – at Heraclea where an ambush was attempted and failed but it seems to have been so feeble that most of the sources do not mention it. But if the Turks were now in no position to check the crusaders, they did not know that and Fulcher says that from this time the army proceeded very carefully, while Albert says they resolved not to break up again. The Turks of Anatolia had been defeated, in so far as that means anything when speaking of a nomadic people who had clearly not been driven out of Asia Minor. Their ruling house had suffered a severe blow. They had lost a capital which gave them prestige, access and control over the emirates of western Asia Minor who were now at the mercy of the Byzantines. It opened the way, as we shall see, for a Byzantine reconquest in western Asia Minor. It was a stunning triumph for the crusaders for hitherto the onward march of the Turks had been unstoppable, as they themselves recognised for, as the Anonymous says, ‘the Turks… thought that they would strike terror into the Franks, as they had done the Arabs and Saracens, Armenians, Syrians and Greeks by the menace of their arrows’.

In part they had been defeated by luck. Kilij Arslan had mistaken the People’s Crusade for the totality of the western effort and had to return from Melitene when they besieged Nicaea. His attack on the Provençals at Nicaea was mistimed, as was that against the vanguard near Bozüyük. But the victors made their own luck. It was their solid resistance that Kilij Arslan underestimated, hence their victory and his defeat. This rested on their manner of war in the west, which called for disciplined close-quarter fighting in which heavily armoured men played a key role. Ultimately, however, they differed from earlier enemies of the Turks by their motivation, their religious fanaticism which underpinned their fighting style. In the crisis of the battle at Dorylaeum that zeal showed in their password, ‘Stand fast altogether, trusting in Christ and in the victory of the Holy Cross. Today, please God, you will all gain much booty’. And so of course they did, and their spoils were much more than merely the pickings of the nomad camp. For the defeat at Dorylaeum seems to have sparked off revolts in some of the cities along the crusader line of march. The Anonymous says that as the Sultan fled he had to trick his way into the cities which his forces then looted. By contrast, the Christian army was welcomed in the vicinity of Iconium and this reception would become even warmer in east. These were truly the fruits of victory, for as a later eastern source commented, ‘The land was shaken before them.’


The battle [ edit ]

After a brutal winter, fighting commenced between the two opposing forces in the spring fighting season. The Battle for the Asio River (modern name, Esino) was the first battle of the season, taking place on the banks of the river. Fighting was bloody with the Optimate infantry advancing and successfully breaking the Populares infantry who were obliged to fall back. As this was happening, the Optimate cavalry commanded by Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus attacked the retreating Populares forces inflicting heavy casualties. & # 911 & # 93 & # 912 & # 93


IO SATURNALIA - a story about X-mas

Photo 1: Nativity scene from Napels (photo Howard Hudson)

Our current Christmas of course has everything to do with the birth of Christ 1 . The corresponding expressions of this feast often go much further back and seem based on religions and traditions that even remotely had nothing to do with today's Christianity, not even with the birth of Jesus. The date, December the 25th , would among other things be borrowed from the birthday of the god Mithras, originally from Persian and also born out of a virgin, who, at the time of the birth of Christ was immensely popular in the Roman Empire for already many years (see ' the last Mithras shrine ' ).
The Christmas tree would come from the pagan Mid-winter-festival.

Photo 2: Roman statue of Isis with
Horus (Vatican Museum)

The image of Maria with child is clearly retrieved from the Egyptian goddess Isis with her child the god Horus. The Isis culture was extremely popular in the Roman world. And than we haven't talked about the influences of the topic we like to discuss in this article, the Saturnalia.

How could so many ' pagan ' traditions enter our Christmas experience?
To switch to another religion, in this case to facilitate Christianity, many ' pagan ' customs were not prohibited or eliminated, but implemented with a Christian sauce into the new faith. Temples were not dismantled or destroyed but stripped of pagan symbols and adapted to the new religion, in which many old customs just took place, albeit in a new religious context. This also happened with the Saturnalia, probably the biggest Roman festivals of all. These festivities, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn remained still popular for a very long time in the Christian world. Also from this festival several traditions have survived in our Christmas celebration.

Photo 3: Bust of Janus 2

De Saturnaliën
During the late Kingdom a Festival in honour of the god Saturn was established in Rome, the Saturnalia. The Romans did have some good reasons for honouring this god. Mythological stories told us that Saturn, on the run for Jupiter, had found accommodation in the Kingdom of Janus in Italy. Therefor Janus was punished by Jupiter with two faces. One looking to the past and one watching the future. Janus was also called the god of the passages because every deity had to be called through him.
Saturn learnt the inhabitants of the land of King Janus the art of agriculture, taught them writing and the use of coins. Janus was one and all admiration for Saturn and proposed to govern the Kingdom together. The period under King Saturn was called ' golden years '. Social discrimination, there was not, on the contrary, everyone was equal and people had no private property.

Photo 4: Basrelief of Saturn 3

When Saturn suddenly left Janus took some measures to honour Saturn. So he called the whole country where he was king ‘Saturnia ', built an altar in honour of the god Saturn and made some rituals for the god that he called the Saturnalia.
Janus and Saturn left a great impression on the later population of Italy. The month of January was called after Janus and in the month of December the Saturnalia, the festival in honour of Saturn, took place.
According to Livius 4 the first official Saturnalia coincided with the year in which the Temple of Saturn on the Forum Romanum in Rome was built, December the 17th of the year 497 BC. Henceforth on this day the Saturnalia would be celebrated. From the beginning the temple was used also as an archive for social security legislation and international agreements. Also the Treasury was kept there because it was said that during the reign of King Saturn no theft was committed, because no one had private property.

Photo 5: The remaining columns of the temple of Saturn at the Forum Romanum in Rome 5

In the temple stood a statue of an old man with the head covered. In his hand he held a scythe, the symbol of Saturn (see photo 4). The feet of the statue were tied together with a woollen thread that was loosened during the Saturnalia so that also the god himself could join the festivities. It was a public holiday in which everyone could participate. The schools gave this day off, courts were closed, convictions were delayed and it was also strictly prohibited to start a war during the festival. In other words: the whole public life was quiet. Anyone got the opportunity to celebrate the festival and this made the Saturnalia one of the most popular events among the population. The festivities were originally only on December 17, but later on extended till December 23. Of course it was held to honour Saturn, but also to celebrate the end of the agricultural year.

Photo 6: Statues of the dioscuri wearing a pileus 6

In the morning, the men rose early to go bathing. The dress was also different in comparison with other holidays: the stiff gown remained in the closet and instead the Roman citizens wore loose, easy robes. One wore a pileus on the head, a hat that symbolized freedom the symbol of a freedman. After bathing everyone went in the direction of the forum to the Temple of Saturn, where sacrifices were carried out in honour of the god. During the sacrifice, according to a retrieved Greek use the Romans uncovered their heads. Normally during religious rituals the head was covered with the gown, but on the Saturnalia the Romans believed that no bad omen could interrupt the festivities.

Photo 7: An eightteen century depiction of the Saturnalia by Antoine Callet 7

After the sacrificial ceremonies there was an official banquet outside the temple. After that most people left the forum wishing each other ' Io Saturnalia ' and went home to continue the party. This often resulted in excessive drinking and festive meals, making the word saturnalia in Latin synonymous to ' orgy '. One of the costumes was the election of a ' King of the Saturnalia’, an ordinary man from the street who gave orders to everyone, lord or peasant. Also small gifts, known as sigillaria, were exchanged.

Photo 9: Terracotta gift 9 Photo 8: Terracotta gift 8

Traditionally this were candles, earthen masks or puppets. This was related to a story about Hercules and the population living originally at the foot of the Capitol hill. An oracle had told them to sacrifice each year a number of human heads and meale bodies in honour of Saturn. When Hercules heard what kind of cruelties were committed, he interfered. He suggested to replace the human heads by earthen dolls and human sacrifices by candles. Thus started the tradition of giving presents to the host if one was invited for dinner or to people who, for one reason or another, earned to receive a present.
One of the most striking customs of the Saturnalia was the changin of the roles: slave became master and master became slave. During the meal, the slaves were served by their masters. Also during the game of dice, which was normally prohibited, but for the occasion admitted and lord and servant played on equal footing. This gesture had to remember the “Golden Years” under Saturn in which there was no distinction made between the people. It was a chance for the master to thank their servants for the work done.
Later on, when the Roman Empire accepted Christianity as the only permissible faith, the Saturnalia were adopted by the Christians. And that brings us to Christmas.

Photo 10: David Teniers. The King of Misrule (1634 -1640) 10

The Saturnalia Aad X-mas
The feast of Saturnalia, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn, still remained the most popular folk festival for a long time. Also inside the Christian world. Pope Julius I (337-352) wanted to change this and came up with the following solution:
Although the exact date of the birth of Jesus was unknown, Pope Julius declared that it had to be celebrated officially on December the 25th, around the time of the festival of the Saturnalia. Most likely he wanted to create a Christian alternative for the still huge popular Saturnalia.
A second reason was the fact that the Roman Emperor Aurelian in 274 had declared the 25th of December to the feast of another Roman deity, the Sol Invictus (the invincible Sun). Julius I opined that he, by connecting those events together, could convert more people to Christianity. On top of that, he probably was influenced by the prevalent idea that Jesus had died on the same day as the conception of Mary. Jesus died during the Jewish Passover that was celebrated in the third century on the 25th of March. Therefore, Jesus had to be born, 9 months later on the 25th of December. So from that moment on Christmas fell on December the 25th while maintaining a large part of the customs that came with the Saturnalia celebrations.
During the middle ages Christmas was especially a celebration of drinking, gambling and overeating. The expression io saturnalia continued for many centuries the official Christmas greetings. In France, England and Switzerland the ' King of the Saturnalia ' still lived on for a long time under the name of ' King of the Misrule’. In many countries it was a habit to declare the one who found the bean or coin in a bread or cake to the King of that day. The habit of giving gifts reflects the Roman tradition of sigillaria and lighting of advent or Christmas candles is a reminiscent of the Roman use of torches and wax candles and, as has been said already, both Saturnalia and Christmas are strongly associated with eating, drinking, singing and dancing.


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