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Wales dan Perang Saudara

Wales dan Perang Saudara


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Dalam Perang Saudara, agama adalah faktor penting dalam menentukan pihak mana yang harus disokong. Penganiayaan pemerintah terhadap orang Puritan bermaksud bahawa sebahagian besar kumpulan agama ini menyokong Parlimen, sedangkan kebanyakan orang Anglikan dan Katolik cenderung memihak kepada golongan kerajaan.

Pekerja dan penyewa pemilik tanah besar yang menyokong perjuangan kerajaan sering diwajibkan untuk mengikuti teladan tuan mereka. Richard Vaughan, Earl of Carbery, seorang Anglikan, yang memiliki tanah di Cardiganshire dan Pembrokeshire berjaya meyakinkan sejumlah besar penyewa untuk bergabung dengan tentera kerajaan. Manakala Lord Dacres dari Hereford merekrut askar untuk golongan kerajaan dari ladangnya di Radnorshire.

The Marquis of Worcester, pemilik Katolik Rom Kastil Raglan, juga menyokong Charles I. The Marquis takut jika orang Puritan memenangkan kekuasaan mereka akan menganiaya orang yang mempunyai kepercayaan agamanya.

Raja tidak mahu melantik Marquis of Worcester atau puteranya. Lord Herbert, untuk posisi senior dalam tenteranya kerana dia mengetahui prasangka kuat yang dialami oleh kebanyakan orang di Britain terhadap umat Katolik Rom. Namun, Marquis, yang memiliki wilayah besar di Monmouthshire, dan merupakan salah satu orang terkaya di Britain, memberikan raja sejumlah wang untuk membayar angkatan bersenjata.

Dalam beberapa kes, keluarga berpecah pada siapa yang harus mereka sokong. William Feilding, Earl of Denbigh, dan anggota Majlis Wales, bergabung dengan tentera raja segera setelah perang diisytiharkan. Namun, anaknya, Basil, enggan mengikuti teladan ayahnya dan akhirnya memutuskan untuk memperjuangkan Parlimen.

Suami dan isteri tidak perlu menyokong sisi yang sama. Walaupun John Bodvile dari Anglesey menjadi kolonel dalam tentera raja, isterinya Anne menyokong parlimen. Takut bahawa isterinya mempengaruhi pandangan agama dan politik ketiga-tiga anaknya, John Bodvile menyuruh mereka menjauhinya dan ditempatkan di bawah jagaan ibunya.

Walaupun kebanyakan pemilik tanah besar di Wales menyokong raja, beberapa tokoh yang sangat berpengaruh di negara ini memilih Parlimen. Thomas Myddelton, MP untuk Denbighshire, dan pemilik sejumlah besar tanah di sekitar istananya di Chirk, adalah seorang Puritan yang taat.

Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, yang memiliki ladang besar di Carmarthenshire, adalah penentang kuat Charles I. Pada awal Perang Saudara, Earl of Essex dilantik sebagai Jeneral Panglima tentera parlimen.

Penyokong Parlimen yang paling penting di South Wales ialah Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, pemilik tanah terbesar di Glamorgan. Herbert's Cardiff Castle menyediakan pangkalan penting bagi pasukan Parlimen di South Wales.

Anggota Parlimen menghasilkan ribuan risalah dalam usaha untuk meyakinkan orang untuk menyokong perjuangan mereka. Walaupun sebahagian daripadanya diedarkan di Wales, mereka mempunyai sedikit kesan kepada orang Wales. Masalah utama ialah risalah ini dalam bahasa Inggeris, bahasa yang tidak difahami oleh sebilangan besar penduduk.

Kepentingan perniagaan rakyat juga mempengaruhi kesetiaan politik mereka. Untuk mendapatkan wang raja telah menjual hak monopoli kepada peniaga. Ini bermaksud hanya satu orang yang berhak mengedarkan barang tertentu seperti batu bata, garam dan sabun. Orang-orang yang mendapat keuntungan dari hak monopoli ini menyokong raja, sedangkan mereka yang tidak diberi peluang untuk berdagang barang-barang ini sering menyokong parlimen.

Orang yang tinggal dan bekerja di kawasan yang lebih maju dari segi ekonomi di Wales cenderung memilih parlimen. Ini berlaku terutamanya di bandar-bandar seperti Haverfordwest, Pembroke dan Tenby, yang terlibat dalam banyak perdagangan dengan pelabuhan Bristol yang dikuasai Puritan.

Orang-orang yang tinggal di kawasan pedalaman Wales, tidak banyak mengetahui tentang perselisihan politik antara raja dan parlimen. Mereka juga tidak mungkin melakukan kontak dengan pendakwah Puritan. Orang-orang ini kuat di bawah pengaruh paderi dan bangsawan tempatan, yang dalam banyak hal sangat memusuhi Puritanisme. Akibatnya, orang yang tinggal di luar bandar cenderung menyokong raja.

Sebilangan besar orang di Wales tidak berpandangan kuat tentang perselisihan antara raja dan parlimen dan berusaha sekuat mungkin untuk menghindari konflik. Hanya ketika mereka mendapat tekanan besar dari tuan tanah mereka atau dari rejimen tentera yang berkunjung, mereka biasanya setuju untuk bergabung di satu pihak atau yang lain.

Pada 27 September 1642, Charles I meninggalkan ibu pejabatnya di Shrewsbury dan pergi ke Wrexham, bandar utama Wales Utara. Pesan dihantar kepada orang-orang yang tinggal di Flintshire dan Denbighshire untuk berkumpul di Wrexham supaya mereka dapat mendengar raja mereka menjelaskan sebab-sebab konflik dengan parlimen. Raja gembira dengan penerimaan yang diterimanya dan ucapannya menghasilkan sebilangan besar lelaki bersetuju untuk memperjuangkan tentera kerajaan.

Ketika raja kembali ke Shrewsbury dia segera disertai oleh keponakannya. Putera Rupert, yang juga sibuk merekrut lelaki dari North Wales. Di selatan Wales, Marquis of Hertford juga berjaya meyakinkan lelaki untuk bergabung dengan kerajaan. Menjelang 3 Oktober, tentera kerajaan cukup kuat untuk merebut Castle Cardiff dari ketua penyokong parlimen South Wales, Earl of Pembroke.

Charles saya sekarang mempunyai tentera sekitar 24,000 orang. Walaupun sebahagian besar askar kaki berasal dari Wales, para petugas adalah anggota bangsawan Inggeris. Pada abad ke-17 lelaki kelas atas dilatih pada usia muda untuk menunggang kuda. Ini memberi Charles kelebihan untuk memiliki pasukan berkuda yang baik.

Pada 12 Oktober, tentera raja berarak ke London. Sebelas hari kemudian pasukan kerajaan dirampas oleh Earl of

Pasukan Essex di Edgehill. Putera Rupert memutuskan untuk mencuba taktik berkuda baru yang dia pelajari bertempur di Sweden. Ini melibatkan pengisian kelajuan penuh ke arah musuh. Kuda-kuda itu dijaga rapat dan sebelum memberi kesan, lelaki itu melepaskan pistol mereka.

Tuduhan Rupert berjaya dan selama satu jam berikutnya penjahatnya mengejar anggota pasukan berkuda parlimen yang

telah lari dari medan perang. Askar tentera kerajaan yang tidak bersenjata bergantung pada pasukan berkuda untuk mendapatkan sokongan. Ketika Rupert kembali, dia mendapati bahawa askar kakinya mengalami korban yang sangat berat. Seorang saksi mata mendakwa bahawa hampir 1,000 tentera kerajaan Wales dibunuh di Edgehill.

Ini diikuti oleh 1,500 tentera Welsh yang terbunuh di Tewkesbury pada 16 November dan 2,000 di Hereford pada 27 November. Komander tentera diraja menuduh orang Wales melarikan diri dari medan perang. Sebilangan sejarawan telah membenarkan tindakan tentera dengan mendakwa bahawa orang Wales tidak bersenjata dengan baik dan selalu ditempatkan di depan pasukan kerajaan di mana mereka mengambil alih tentera parlimen yang memerintah.

Tentera kerajaan meneruskan perarakan ke London dan menjelang November sampai di pinggir bandar. Di Turnham Green, Charles mendapati jalannya dihalang oleh tentera parlimen yang terdiri daripada kira-kira 24,000 orang. Lebih banyak jumlahnya, Charles memutuskan untuk berundur ke Oxford.

Semasa pecahnya Perang Saudara Pembroke adalah satu-satunya bandar di Wales yang menyatakan sokongan untuk Parlimen. Ketika dia mendengar berita itu, Charles memberi perintah agar kota itu diserang. Richard Vaughan, Earl of Carbery, letnan jeneral tentera raja di barat daya Wales, memutuskan untuk memastikan bandar-bandar lain di wilayah ini aman sebelum berurusan dengan Pembroke.

The Earl of Carbery tidak memulai serangannya ke Pembroke hingga awal tahun 1644. Namun, sebelum dia dapat menawan kota itu, bala bantuan parlimen tiba melalui laut dari England. Earl of Carbery sekarang memutuskan bahawa dia tidak cukup kuat untuk menangkap Pembroke, dan menarik pasukannya.

Rowland Laugharne, komander parlimen Pembroke, mengambil kesempatan ini untuk melakukan serangan. Pasukannya segera menguasai Haverfordwest, Tenby dan Carew Castle. Pasukannya kemudian bergerak ke timur dan tidak lama sebelum Carmarthen dan Cardiff juga ditawan oleh tentera parlimen.

Charles I sangat marah ketika dia mendengar apa yang telah terjadi dan memecat Earl of Carbery sebagai komandan tenteranya di barat daya Wales. Carbery digantikan oleh Kolonel Charles Gerard, seorang komander tentera yang berpengalaman dari England. Pasukan royalis Gerard segera merebut kembali wilayah yang telah hilang dan menjelang musim panas tahun 1644 Laugharne dan tenteranya terpaksa kembali ke Pembroke.

Pasukan Parlimen juga memperoleh kejayaan jangka pendek di utara negara ini. Thomas Myddelton, M.P. untuk Denbighshire, dan yang Istana Chirk telah ditawan oleh pasukan kerajaan pada Januari 1643, ditugaskan untuk menjalankan kempen ketenteraan parlimen di North Wales.

Strategi utama Mejar Jeneral Myddelton adalah memotong bekalan tentera raja yang tiba di Wales Utara dari benua itu. Setelah menawan Wrexham pada November 1643, tenteranya menuju ke pelabuhan pantai utara Wales. Conwy, Bangor dan Caernarvon dibela dengan baik dan setelah 2,500 tentera diraja tiba dari Ireland, Myddelton terpaksa menarik diri.

Myddelton sekarang mengalihkan perhatiannya ke pertengahan Wales. Pada musim panas tahun 1644 ia menawan Welshpool dan Newtown dan pada 18 September pertempuran besar pertama Perang Saudara di Wales berlaku di Montgomery. Golongan diraja mengalami kekalahan berat dan lebih daripada 2.000 orang mereka dibunuh, cedera atau ditawan.

Pasukan Myddelton menuju ke utara dan pada bulan Oktober mereka dapat menawan Powis Castle. Namun, di sebalik usaha gigih, Myddelton tidak dapat memenangi kawalan istana sendiri di Chirk. Setelah gagal meyakinkan Parlimen untuk membekalkan pasukannya lagi, Myddelton sekali lagi harus meninggalkan rencananya untuk berusaha menguasai pelabuhan utara Wales.

Pada tahun 1645, raja memerintahkan Kolonel Charles Gerard dan 2,700 tenteranya untuk pergi dan membantu kempen kerajaan di England. Dengan kekuatan kerajaan yang lemah di South Wales, Rowland Laugharne memutuskan untuk kembali menyerang. Setelah mengalahkan tentera kerajaan di Colby Moor, Laugharne dapat menawan Carmarthen dan pada musim bunga tahun 1646 seluruh Wales barat berada di bawah kawalan tentera parlimen.

Tentera diraja mengalami kekalahan teruk di Naseby pada bulan Jun 1645. Di antara mereka yang terbunuh dalam pertempuran itu adalah lebih dari 100 wanita Welsh yang mengikuti suami mereka ke dalam pertempuran. Kemudian, tentera parlimen membenarkan tindakannya dengan mendakwa bahawa ketika wanita berbicara bahasa yang mereka tidak faham, mereka menganggap mereka adalah Katolik Ireland.

Selepas Pertempuran Naseby, raja menarik diri ke Istana Raglan. Charles berharap agar dia dapat meyakinkan lebih banyak orang Welshmen untuk bergabung dengan tenteranya. Namun, perlakuan Gerard terhadap orang Wales setelah kemenangannya pada tahun 1644 telah menjadikan mereka menentang kerajaan.

Untuk melindungi diri mereka daripada pasukan kerajaan Gerard, lelaki di Glamorgan telah membentuk 'Tentera Damai'. Charles Saya bersetuju untuk bertemu wakil kumpulan ini di St Fagans pada 29 Julai 1645, untuk membincangkan rungutan mereka.

Hasil pertemuan ini, Charles bersetuju untuk menyingkirkan Kolonel Charles Gerard sebagai komandan pasukan kerajaan di South Wales. Di sebalik tindakan ini, Charles masih menghadapi kesukaran untuk merekrut lelaki tempatan ke dalam tenteranya. Pada 14 September raja meninggalkan Kastil Raglan dan menuju ke Wales Utara. Tidak lama setelah raja pergi, istana ini ditawan oleh tentera parlimen. Istana kerajaan lain di Ruthin, Chirk, Caernarvon, Beaumaris, Rhuddlan, Flint dan Harlech jatuh satu demi satu kepada pasukan parlimen. Untuk sementara waktu, Charles tinggal di Kastil Denbigh tetapi setelah Jacob Astley dan tentera kerajaannya menyerah pada 21 Mac 1646, Charles melarikan diri ke Scotland.

Setelah kemenangannya berjaya ke atas pasukan kerajaan pada tahun 1647, Parlimen mula membuat rancangan untuk membubarkan tenteranya. Ini menimbulkan kerisauan kerana banyak tentera tidak dibayar selama beberapa bulan. Yang lain bimbang dengan kenaikan cukai yang dikenakan oleh pemerintah parlimen.

Pada 24 Disember, Parlimen mengisytiharkan bahawa semua tentera yang telah mendaftar setelah 6 Ogos 1647 diberhentikan tanpa gaji. Mereka yang bergabung pada tahap awal perang hanya akan menerima upah dua bulan.

John Poyer, gabenor tentera Pembroke, sangat marah ketika mendengar berita itu dan mulai membuat ucapan kepada tenteranya yang menyerang keputusan Parlimen untuk membubarkan tentera. Ketika Parlimen mendapati bahawa Poyer sedang membuat pidato bermusuhan, mereka mengirim Kolonel Fleming untuk menggantikannya sebagai gabenor Pembroke Castle.

Poyer enggan menyerahkan istana dan sebaliknya mengirim surat ke Parlimen menuntut pembayaran tunggakan gaji £ 1,000 untuk anak buahnya. Kolonel Fleming menawarkan £ 200, tetapi ini ditolak. Askar-askar lain yang berpusat di South Wales, yang telah mendengar tentang tindakan Poyer, mula menuju Pembroke untuk memberi bantuan mereka. Penyokong John Poyer termasuk dua pegawai tentera paling kanan di South Wales, Mejar Jeneral Rowland Laugharne dan Kolonel Rice Powell.

Parlimen sekarang menyedari bahawa mereka mempunyai pemberontakan besar di tangan mereka. Keadaan menjadi lebih teruk lagi apabila berita bahawa Charles I telah membuat perjanjian dengan orang Scots. Sebagai balasan atas sokongan tentera Scotland, Charles bersetuju untuk menerima penubuhan agama Presbyterian di England.

Pada 10 April 1648, Kolonel Poyer menyatakan bahawa dia sekarang menyokong raja. Didorong oleh pengisytiharan Poyer untuk raja, bekas tentera kerajaan mula bergabung dengan Poyer di Pembroke.

Ketika Parlimen mendengar tentang tindakan Poyer di Pembroke, mereka menghantar Kolonel Thomas Horton bersama 3,000 tentera untuk menangani pemberontakan tersebut. Rowland Laugharne dan hampir 8,000 pemberontak meninggalkan Pembroke dan melibatkan tentera parlimen Horton di St. Fagans di Glamorgan. Walaupun jumlahnya lebih banyak, tentera Horton yang berpengalaman dan berdisiplin dengan baik dapat mengalahkan tentera Laugharne yang kurang bersenjata. Lebih 200 lelaki Laugharne terbunuh dan 3.000 lagi ditawan. Laugharne dan apa yang tersisa dari tenteranya, berjaya melarikan diri kembali ke Pembroke.

Pemberontakan kini merebak ke bahagian lain di Wales. Richard Bulkeley dan rakyat Anglesey menyatakan sokongan mereka kepada raja dan Sir John Owen berusaha mengambil Kastil Denbigh dari tentera parlimen. Di selatan negara itu, Rice Powell menguasai Tenby dan Sir Nicholas Kemeys serta raja-raja tempatan yang lain menawan Chepstow Castle.

Menyedari bahawa pemberontakan harus diberantas dengan cepat, Parlimen memutuskan untuk menghantar Oliver Cromwell dan lima rejimen ke Wales. Pasukan Cromwell memenangi kembali Chepstow Castle pada 25 Mei dan enam hari kemudian Rice Powell terpaksa menyerah Tenby.

Cromwell kini berjalan ke Pembroke untuk berurusan dengan John Poyer dan Rowland Laugharne. Istana ini, yang dibina di atas batu kapur yang besar dan hampir dikelilingi oleh Sungai Pembroke, dianggap sebagai salah satu kubu terkuat di Britain.

Oliver Cromwell tidak mempunyai kanon yang cukup besar untuk menembus tembok yang setebal 20 kaki di beberapa tempat. Dia juga tidak mempunyai tangga pengepung yang dapat mengatasi tembok setinggi 80 kaki. Percubaan menyerang istana gagal dan Cromwell terpaksa menunggu dan membuat pemberontak kelaparan.

Cromwell menulis kembali ke Parlimen dengan meramalkan bahawa Poyer dan anak buahnya akan dipaksa menyerah dalam masa sekitar dua minggu. Namun, pada awalnya dia tidak menyedari bahawa istana ini mempunyai bekalan air yang sangat baik. Akhirnya, seorang lelaki tempatan mengkhianati rahsia kepada Cromwell dan tentera pengepung dapat memotong paip air yang terdedah di pinggir bandar.

Setelah pengepungan selama lapan minggu dan tanpa makanan dan air, tentera pemberontak di istana terpaksa menyerah. Cromwell berurusan dengan bekas tentera kerajaan. Kemarahan utamanya ditujukan kepada mereka yang sebelum ini menjadi anggota tentera parlimen.

John Poyer, Rowland Laugharne dan Rice Powell diadili oleh mahkamah tentera di London dan setelah didapati bersalah semuanya dijatuhkan hukuman mati. Thomas Fairfax, pemimpin angkatan tentera, memutuskan bahawa hanya seorang yang harus mati. Ketiga-tiga lelaki itu enggan mengambil bahagian dalam undian untuk memutuskan siapa yang akan dihukum mati. Pihak berkuasa tentera memilih anak kecil untuk mengambil undian. Makalah yang dilukis untuk Laugharne dan Powell berbunyi: "Kehidupan yang Diberikan oleh Tuhan". Kertas Poyer kosong dan dia ditembak di hadapan orang ramai di Covent Garden pada 21 April 1649.

Saya lebih menderita dengan cara yang anda ambil ... daripada yang pernah saya lakukan untuk membawa anda ke dunia ... Saya harap anda tidak akan pernah mengangkat senjata melawan raja kerana itu akan menjadi beban yang terlalu berat untuk saya tanggung.

Bukankah ini adalah kes yang menyedihkan bahawa di Wales ... seharusnya tidak ada tiga belas menteri yang berhati-hati yang pada masa ini menyatakan diri mereka ... setia kepada Parlimen.

Wales ... adalah padang belantara yang melolong ... hampir tidak ada khotbah yang dikhotbahkan di antara mereka ... sejak reformasi ... Gereja akan menjadi istana terkuat anda, jika anda memberikannya dengan baik menteri.

Orang-orang biasa yang ketagihan terhadap layanan Raja telah keluar dari Wales buta dan sudut gelap lain dari tanah ... Orang-orang Welsh yang menyedihkan ini ... mengangkat senjata yang sebagian terpikat dengan harapan dijarah.

Kami mendengar bahawa ... 6,000 pemberontak Ireland telah mendarat di Wales ... mereka melakukan kekejaman dan kejam ... Kecuali ada bantuan cepat ... dihantar kepada Sir Thomas Myddelton ... seluruh negara akan hancur oleh ini orang Ireland yang berdarah.

Sebilangan besar penjarahan negara menjadikan kebanyakan orang membenci nama askar. Sebilangan besar orang di Radnorshire dan Montgomeryshire, yang menyebut diri mereka berkecuali, telah mempersenjatai diri mereka untuk menahan penjarahan ... Orang-orang biasa akan mendapat bantuan dari pihak kita, sekiranya ada perisytiharan parah oleh Parlimen untuk menentang penjarahan, dan terhadap semua komandan yang lalai untuk menghukum mereka yang bertanggungjawab.

Askar-askar anda telah merampas rumah Sir John Trevor, Plas Teg ... tanpa waran atau wewenang ... Oleh itu, kami meminta anda untuk membawa saya semua orang di bawah arahan anda seperti merampas atau mengambil barang-barang tersebut.

Richard Jones pergi sejauh satu batu dari kem dan mengambil dua helai dari seorang wanita miskin, yang dia cedera ... Telah diselesaikan bahawa, menurut Undang-Undang dan Perintah Perang, Richard Jones akan mati. Dia dihukum mati pada 12 April.

Wales dalam keadaan sangat miskin sehingga tidak ada kelangsungan hidup untuk musuh atau kita. Sebilangan besar lelaki mereka mati dengan memakan makanan yang tidak sihat ... Sebilangan besar lelaki kita mati, yang lain melarikan diri dan yang masih tinggal mempunyai sedikit makanan.

Anak buah Thomas Myddelton adalah musuh yang hina seperti yang pernah kita lakukan di Ireland ... Di gereja paroki Hawarden, anak buahnya merobek buku doa, mengeluarkan rel persekutuan dan menyeret mezbah ke pusat pusara.

Semua pejalan kaki menjadi tahanan. Tentera kuda tahu bagaimana menyelamatkan diri, walaupun bukan kehormatan mereka, dengan penerbangan tergesa-gesa dan memalukan ke Leicester ... Raja berarak ke ... Raglan Castle untuk merekrut dirinya sebagai pasukan tentera baru di South Wales.

Di daerah Glamorgan, beberapa cadangan dikemukakan kepada Baginda, yang jika dia mengizinkan, mereka akan terus mempertahankan Baginda dan negara mereka ... Pertemuan itu berlangsung di Kevenoh, empat batu dari Cardiff. Raja bersetuju dengan cadangan mereka ... Mereka menyebut diri mereka sebagai tentera yang damai.

Raja menemui 600 orang di Glamorgan ... Mereka menuntut agar orang-orang Papis disingkirkan dari negara itu ... dan seorang gabenor dan pasukan pengawal mereka sendiri ... penghapusan tuntutan £ 7.000 dari Kolonel Gerard ... The Raja meninggalkan Cardiff pada malam itu ... Gerard dikeluarkan dari perintah di Wales, itu menjadi permintaan negara itu.

Pada 25 September 1645 ... Raja datang ke Kastil Denbigh di utara Wales ... dia tinggal tiga hari untuk menyegarkan dirinya dan pasukannya yang hancur ... Dia mempunyai empat ratus askar kuda; tetapi ke mana harus pergi dengan mereka adalah soalan yang sukar. Ada yang mencadangkan pulau Anglesey sebagai tempat keselamatan, dan sebuah pulau yang cukup bermanfaat untuk menolong pasukannya ... dan dari mana dia mudah dibawa ke Ireland atau Scotland.

Beberapa orang ... sudah terlalu banyak berkuasa, dan ingin membubarkan kita ... Sehingga mereka dapat memperbudak rakyat ... dan menetapkan cukai. Kami berjanji untuk melindungi orang-orang dari kecederaan dan mempertahankan agama Protestan ... seperti yang ditetapkan oleh undang-undang di negeri ini. Oleh itu, kami sangat memerlukan bantuan seluruh kerajaan.

Sebagai komandan daerah ini ... saya tidak boleh mengabaikan penderitaan yang ditimpa anak buah saya ... Daripada menerima gaji mereka, mereka dibenarkan oleh Parlimen ... mereka telah dibubarkan ... Ini berlaku semasa saya tidak hadir, dan sepanjang pengetahuan saya, masih tidak adil ... Saya percaya bahawa perkhidmatan masa lalu saya untuk negara anda ... mendapat layanan yang jauh lebih baik.

Pada hari Isnin pagi ... musuh maju ke arah kami ... kami mengambil jalan terbaik ... Kira-kira enam puluh orang dengan kuda dituduh sekali, tetapi kami mengalahkan mereka, dan selepas itu tidak ada seorang pun yang menunggang kuda muncul lagi ... Musuh memberitahu bahawa mereka 8,000. Kami bertengkar dengan mereka selama dua jam. Orang-orang kita dengan kuda menyerang musuh, yang diarahkan sepenuhnya ... Banyak musuh dibunuh ... Kami telah menangkap 3.000 tahanan ... kita tidak kehilangan banyak tentera dan bukan seorang pegawai kita.

Saya ingin kami mendapat bantuan anda dalam mendapatkan beberapa keperluan untuk dilemparkan di tungku besi di daerah Carmarthen anda, yang akan memungkinkan kami mengurangkan istana Pembroke. Perkara utama yang kita perlukan adalah peluru mortar, kedalamannya empat belas dan tiga per empat inci ... Kami juga menginginkan tembakan meriam ... tentera.

Kami belum mempunyai senjata dan peluru kami. Kami hanya mempunyai dua senjata kecil ... kami membuat cubaan untuk menyerbu istana tetapi tangga terlalu pendek ... sehingga lelaki itu tidak dapat mengatasi. Kami kehilangan beberapa orang tetapi saya yakin musuh kehilangan lebih banyak ... kami berharap dapat mengambil bekalan airnya dalam dua hari.

Pembroke Castle adalah tempat terkuat yang pernah kita lihat ... Kami mengalami banyak kesulitan di Wales ... Kami mempunyai musuh yang putus asa, dan beberapa kawan, tetapi Tuhan yang perkasa.

Saya mesti memberitahu anda bahawa jika tawaran ini ditolak ... kesengsaraan dan kehancuran akan menimpa orang yang bersamamu, saya tahu di mana untuk menagih darah yang anda tumpahkan. Saya menjangkakan jawapannya dalam masa dua jam. Sekiranya tawaran ini ditolak, jangan hantar surat lagi kepada saya mengenai perkara ini.


Istana Wales dan Perang Saudara

Avove: Pemusnahan Istana Raglan oleh pasukan Parlimen.

Di sebalik kemajuan era Tudor yang damai, istana sebagai pusat ketenteraan masih belum dapat memanfaatkan kehidupan terakhir. Ketika Perang Saudara meletus antara raja dan Parlimen pada tahun 1642 Wales hampir sepenuhnya bersifat royalis, dan sejumlah istana dikawal oleh Charles I. Conwy diubahsuai dan diperbaharui selama 1642-43 oleh John Williams, uskup agung York, dan diadakan untuk raja sepanjang Perang Saudara pertama. Caernarfon dan Ruthin sama-sama menahan pengepungan dan serbuan anggota parlimen semasa perang pertama, dan akhirnya akhirnya menyerah pada tahun 1646. Denbigh juga ditahan untuk raja sehingga pasukan pengawal terpaksa meninggalkan perjuangan tanpa harapan setelah pengepungan yang sangat lama berlangsung dari akhir 1645 hingga Oktober 1646. Di tenggara, perampasan kerajaan Royal Worcester yang kuat dilakukan di Raglan pada musim bunga dan musim panas tahun 1646, di salah satu pengepungan perang yang paling hangat diperjuangkan. Marquess akhirnya menyerah kepada Sir Thomas Fairfax pada 19 Ogos, lama setelah penyerahan raja dan runtuhnya tujuannya.

Ikuti pautan ini untuk mengetahui lebih lanjut mengenai kejatuhan Istana Raglan

Pembroke Castle telah menjadi pangkalan Parlimen yang kuat sepanjang perang pertama ini. Sebaliknya, semasa perang kedua tahun 1648, ia menjadi titik kuat kerajaan utama. Cromwell sendiri tiba pada 24 Mei untuk mengepung, tetapi tidak sampai meriam berat dibawa oleh kapal dari Gloucester dia dapat mencapai kejayaan. Beberapa pelanggaran dibuka di tembok kota dan kastil, memaksa orang-orang raja untuk tunduk pada pertengahan bulan Julai.

Pelbagai ciri istana lain pada tahap yang lebih besar atau lebih rendah dalam peperangan ini. Namun, mengejutkan kerana pengeboman meriam bukanlah penyebab utama kemusnahan mereka pada masa itu. Begitu kuat dibina pertahanan batu abad pertengahan, mesiu hanyalah sebahagian dari ceritanya. Ini adalah "pelonggaran" berikutnya yang diperintahkan oleh Parlimen, yang menyebabkan kerosakan yang sebenarnya.

Wales - Istana dan Tempat Bersejarah, Cadw: Monumen Bersejarah Welsh, Wales Tourist Board, penerbit, Cardiff, 1990. Lihat pesanan untuk pembongkaran Montgomery Castle

Rumah | Menu Utama | Indeks Istana | Esei Sejarah | Esei Berkaitan | Apa Yang Baru | Pautan

Hak cipta 2009 oleh Jeffrey L. Thomas


‘Askar yang tidak dikenali yang setia’: Wales dan Perang Saudara Inggeris

Robin Evans menilai sumbangan orang Welsh untuk masalah 1642-49.

Ketika perang saudara meletus pada tahun 1642 konflik tidak hanya terbatas di England kerana semua bangsa di Kepulauan British mendapati diri mereka adalah sebahagian daripada perjuangan. Walaupun sejarawan telah memperhatikan perang di wilayah Inggeris dan peranan Scotland dan Ireland, Wales telah diabaikan. Namun dalam perang saudara, seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Gwyn Alf Williams, 'Poor Taffy tentunya Charles yang tidak dikenali sebagai askar yang paling setia'.

Artikel ini membincangkan sikap Welsh terhadap konflik, sifat dan sejauh mana sokongan Welsh untuk kedua-dua pihak ketika pecahnya permusuhan dan peranan yang dimainkan oleh Wales dalam perang.

Sikap Welsh pada Malam Perang

Wales secara rasmi dimasukkan ke dalam negara bangsa Inggeris melalui Akta Kesatuan (1536-1543). Dengan tindakan ini, orang Wales diberi hak yang sama dengan rakan sebaya Inggeris mereka dan untuk abad berikutnya, orang Wales telah memanfaatkan sepenuhnya status mereka yang baru ditemui. Tudor dianggap sebagai dinasti Welsh dan kesetiaan kepada mahkota dianggap begitu saja dan dipindahkan ke Stuarts.

Untuk terus membaca artikel ini, anda perlu membeli akses ke arkib dalam talian.

Sekiranya anda sudah membeli akses, atau merupakan pelanggan cetak & arkib, sila pastikan anda log masuk.


The Essentials: Enam Buku mengenai Perang Saudara

Sastera perang sangat luas sehingga anda dapat menghabiskan seumur hidup membaca buku-buku yang sangat baik mengenainya. Berikut adalah enam yang terbaik:

Tangisan Kebebasan (1988), oleh James McPherson: Secara meluas dianggap sebagai sejarah perang satu jilid yang paling berwibawa.

Percubaan Api (2010), oleh Eric Foner: Akaun pemenang Hadiah Pulitzer baru dan berwibawa mengenai navigasi Presiden Abraham Lincoln melalui politik penghapusan ia memenangi Hadiah Pulitzer untuk Sejarah.

Republik Penderitaan ini: Kematian dan Perang Saudara Amerika (2008), oleh Drew Gilpin Faust: Pemeriksaan bergerak mengenai cara penyembelihan mengubah idea orang Amerika mengenai kematian dan mempengaruhi cara mereka memilih untuk mengingati perang.

Memoir Peribadi Geran A.S. (1885): "melampaui memoir ketenteraan lain dari Perang Civl dan berdiri sendiri sebagai autobiografi presiden terbaik setiap yang diterbitkan," kata Joan Waugh, pengarang Geran A.S.: Wira Amerika, Mitos Amerika (2009), dengan sendirinya biografi yang baik.

Robert E. Lee: Biografi (1934-35), oleh Douglas Southall Freeman: Potret lelaki dalam empat jilid penuh mengenai pemimpin Tentera Virginia Utara.

Perang Saudara Mary Chesnut & # 8217s (1981), diedit oleh C. Vann Woodward: kumpulan tulisan, dalam bentuk buku harian, dari doyenne yang mata tajam dan lidahnya yang tajam meninggalkan kesan yang tidak terhapuskan terhadap kehidupan awam di Selatan selama tahun-tahun perang.

Mengenai T.A. Lemah

Tom Frail adalah editor kanan untuk Smithsonian majalah. Dia sebelum ini bekerja sebagai editor kanan untuk Washington Post dan untuk Philadelphia Newspapers Inc.


Sumbangan Brits yang Tidak Diketahui dalam Perang Saudara Amerika

Walaupun sering diabaikan, lebih daripada 50,000 warganegara Britain berkhidmat dalam pelbagai kapasiti dalam Perang Saudara Amerika. Ahli sejarah Amanda Foreman melihat tulisan peribadi mereka dan menceritakan kisah perang dan penglibatan Britain dalam buku terbarunya, Dunia yang terbakar, baru-baru ini menamakan salah satu New York Times& # 8217 100 Buku Terkenal 2011.

Kandungan Berkaitan

Saya bercakap dengan penulis & # 8212 lahir di London, dibesarkan di Los Angeles dan bersekolah di Sarah Lawrence College, Columbia University dan Oxford University & # 8212 mengenai peranan Britain, dan seorang Brit, Henry Morton Stanley, berperanan dalam konflik.

Mengapa lebih banyak orang tidak tahu mengenai penglibatan antarabangsa dalam Perang Saudara Amerika?

Apabila waktu mengajar terhad, anda hanya akan mengikuti perkara-perkara yang kosong. Yang berperang. Apa pertempuran utama. Bilakah ia berakhir. Apa itu perang. Anda tidak akan melihat aspek lain di sekolah menengah. Itu perkara pertama.

Perkara kedua adalah ketika anda masuk ke kuliah dan anda mula melihat Perang Saudara dengan cara yang lebih bernuansa, umumnya ini bermaksud bangsa, kelas dan jantina. Dimensi antarabangsa perang melintasi ketiga-tiga dan oleh itu akhirnya jatuh di antara celah kerana mereka tidak duduk secara eksklusif di salah satu kawasan tertentu.

Terdapat banyak sebab yang sah mengapa orang tidak memikirkan aspek antarabangsa perang sejak sekian lama. Tetapi alasan mengapa anda perlu adalah kerana ternyata aspek tersebut memainkan peranan yang sangat penting dalam perang. Saya percaya mustahil untuk memahami perang tanpa memahami aspek-aspek tersebut.

Apa wahyu paling mengejutkan yang anda buat mengenai perang dengan melihatnya dari perspektif dunia?

Perkara pertama yang sangat saya fahami ialah batasan diplomasi asing dalam politik awal Amerika. Sudah menjadi kebiasaan pada abad ke-19 dan terutama pada pertengahan abad untuk para setiausaha negara menganggap peranan mereka sebagai batu loncatan menuju Gedung Putih. Sama sekali bukan alat untuk diplomasi asing yang sebenarnya. Ketika William Henry Seward, yang merupakan setiausaha negara pada masa itu, menjawat jawatannya, dia dengan tegas menolak untuk menerima bahawa pengumuman yang dibuatnya di A.S. untuk khalayak domestik memberi kesan buruk kepada reputasi Amerika di luar negara. Kata-katanya sendiri berfungsi untuk mendorong Eropah, dan khususnya Britain, dari sekutu yang bersedia pada awal perang ke arah Utara menjadi netral yang bermusuhan.

Dengan mengubah Britain menjadi netral yang bermusuhan, itu berarti Selatan tiba-tiba mengalami kekalahan besar dalam perang. Semua tindakan yang boleh diambil oleh Britain untuk menyukarkan kehidupan di Selatan & # 8212 misalnya, melarang mana-mana kapal Selatan mendarat di pelabuhan Britain & # 8212 tidak pernah berlaku. Dan, sebenarnya, Selatan mulai benar-benar percaya bahawa ia berpeluang memenangkan pengiktirafan dari Britain mengenai kemerdekaan Selatan, yang saya percaya membantu memanjangkan perang sekurang-kurangnya dua tahun.

Dengan cara apa Britain dilaburkan atau benar-benar terikat dalam perang?

Pada awal perang, kapas memberi kesan kepada kehidupan seorang daripada lima orang Inggeris dalam beberapa cara. Semua orang bimbang bahawa embargo kapas akan memusnahkan kekuatan kewangan Britain. Tetapi ternyata ada kekacauan katun yang besar pada tahun 1860. Ada terlalu banyak kapas di England di gudang, dan itu menurunkan harga barang jadi. Oleh itu, perang yang dilakukan adalah menyelamatkan Britain dari kemerosotan industri yang akan berlaku. For the first 18 months of the war, British merchants just used up the cotton that they had stored. Then, finally, when the cotton became scarce, truly, truly scarce midway through the war, there were other sources of cotton coming from India and Egypt. By then, Britain had become completely invested in the war because of the war economy. Guns, cannons, rifles, bullets, uniforms, steel plating of all kind, engines, everything that a war needs, Britain was able to export to the North and to the South. In fact, Britain’s economy grew during the Civil War. So just from a financial point of view, Britain was heavily invested industrially.

Second of all, Britain was heavily invested because of the bonds. Both the South and the North needed to sell bonds on the international market to raise money to fight the war. The British were the largest holder of these bonds.

Of course, what is interesting to us is not so much that, but what the British people were thinking and feeling. We know they felt a great deal because over 50,000 sailed from Britain to the U.S. to take part, to fight, to volunteer.

In her latest book titled, A World on Fire, historian Amanda Foreman looks at the personal writings of more than 50,000 British citizens who served in the American Civil War. (Bibi Basch) Secretary of State William Seward, far right, with British Minister Lord Lyons, sitting third from right, and other international diplomats at Trenton Falls in New York. (Arkib Negara)

Can you talk about some of the capacities in which they served?

They served in all capacities. We have the famous actor-manager Charles Wyndham. If you go to London, Wyndham’s Theatre is one of the famous theaters on Drury Lane. But before he became the famous Charles Wyndham, he actually had trained to be a doctor. He wasn’t a very successful doctor. He was having difficulty keeping his patients in England as a young man. So when the war started he went out and he joined the federal army as a surgeon and accompanied Gen. [Nathaniel P.] Banks on his Red River campaign in Louisiana. He spent the first three years of the war as a surgeon until finally he went back in 1864.

The head of the Oxford Infirmary [in England] was a man called Charles Mayo. He also volunteers as a surgeon and became second in command of the medical corps in Vicksburg and was there for the fall of Vicksburg.

These are British soldiers who really played a prominent part in the military life of the war, who just resigned their positions and came over to fight. There is even an English Medal of Honor winner, Philip Baybutt. Sir John Fitzroy De Courcy, who later became Lord Kingsale, was the colonel of the 16th Ohio Volunteers. He was the colonel who captured the Cumberland Gap from the Confederacy. They all have their part to play. Then, of course, you have those on the Southern side, who are in some ways more characterful because it was harder to get to the South. They had to run the blockade. There was no bounty to lure them. They literally went there out of sheer idealism.

Henry Morton Stanley, a Welsh journalist and explorer of Africa best known for his search for Dr. Livingstone, served in the Civil War. How did he get involved?

He had come [to the United States] before the war. He was living in Arkansas, apprenticed to someone. He hadn’t actually had any intention of joining up, but he was shamed into joining when he was sent a package with women’s clothes inside of it—a southern way of giving him the white feather. So he joined the Dixie Grays. He took part in the Battle of Shiloh. He was captured and sent to Camp Douglas, one of the most notorious prison camps in the North, in Chicago. It had a terrible death rate.

He was dying, and he just decided that he wanted to live. He was a young man, and so he took the oath of loyalty and switched sides. Then he was shipped out to a northern hospital prior to being sent into the field. As he began to get better, he realized that he didn’t want to fight anymore. So he very quietly one day got dressed and walked out of the hospital and didn’t look back. That was in 1862. He went back to Wales, where he discovered his family didn’t want to know him. Then he went back to New York. He clerked for a judge for a while. He decided this wasn’t earning him enough money, so he joined the Northern navy as a ship’s writer and was present at the Battle of Wilmington at Fort Fisher, the last big naval battle in 1865. About three weeks after the Battle of Wilmington, he jumped ship with a friend.

So he didn’t really have moral reasons for allying with either side?

No, not at all. He was a young man. He just got caught up. He kept a diary, which is a little bit unreliable but pretty good. It is very eloquent. When he was captured after the Battle of Shiloh, he got into an argument with his captors. He was saying, “Well, what is the war about?” And they said, “Well, it’s about slavery.” He suddenly realized that maybe they were right. He just never thought of it. He said, “There were no blackies in Wales.”

How does Stanley’s experience of the war compare with those of other Brits who served?

Henry joined out of necessity, not out of ideology. That is different from most British volunteers who joined the Confederate army. So he was very rare in the fact that he was so willing to switch sides. Also, he is one of the very rare prisoners to survive incarceration in a federal prison or a prisoner of war camp. His description of what it was like is very valuable because it is so vivid and horrendous. He saw people drowning in their own feces. They had such bad dysentery they would fall into a puddle of human waste and drown there, too weak to pull themselves out.

In their recent book Willpower, authors Roy Baumeister and John Tierney show how willpower works through different character studies, including one of Henry Morton Stanley. Is there a time during Stanley’s service or imprisonment where you think he displays incredible willpower?

Oh, sure. This is a young man who is able to keep his eye on the prize, which is survival. Also, he wants to make something of himself. He keeps those two things at the forefront of his mind and doesn’t allow the terrible, crushing circumstances around him to destroy him.

Did you come across any techniques of his to actually get through the suffering?


Legends of America

Although the “Red Legs” are commonly associated with the Jayhawkers of the Bleeding Kansas era and the Civil War, they were actually a separate guerilla unit that only fought during the Civil War.

During the early part of the Civil War western Missouri was infested with bands of guerrillas, and it was no uncommon occurrence for some of these lawless gangs to cross the border and commit depredations in Kansas. To guard against these incursions, and to aid the Union cause, a company of border scouts was formed sometime in 1862. As it was an independent organization, never regularly mustered into the United States service, no official record of their actions was preserved. The men composing the company became known as “Red Legs,” from the fact that they wore leggings of red or tan-colored leather.

General Thomas Ewing during the Civil War

It was a secret Union military society, organized in late 1862 by General Thomas Ewing and James Blunt for desperate service along the border, and numbered as many as 100 men.

The qualifications for membership in the company were unquestioned loyalty to the Union cause, undaunted courage and the skillful use of the rifle or revolver. Their headquarters were at the “Six-mile House,” so called because it was six miles from Wyandotte (Kansas City) on the Leavenworth Road. This house was erected in the winter of 1860-61 by Joseph A. Bartels, whose son, Theodore was one of the best pistol shots on the border and a member of the Red Legs.

The company was commanded by Captain George H. Hoyt, the lawyer who defended John Brown at Charleston, Virginia after his attack on Harpers Ferry, West Virginia. Other members were Jack Harvey, a brother of Fred Harvey, of the Santa Fe Railroad Hotel chain Joseph B. Swain, nicknamed “Jeff Davis,” afterward captain of Company K. Fifteenth Kansas “Red” Clark, of Emporia, Kansas whom General Ewing said was the best spy he ever had John M. Dean, who was one of the organizers and W. S. Tough, for many years proprietor of the horse market at the Kansas City stockyards. Still others, of less note, were Harry Lee, Newt Morrison, Jack Hays, James Flood, Jerry Malcolm, and Charles Blunt, often called “One-eyed Blunt.”

Evacuation of Missouri Counties under General Order No. 11, painting by George Caleb Bingham, 1870.

William W. Denison, assistant adjutant-general of Kansas some years after the war, was a private soldier in the Eleventh Kansas and was one of the detail to enforce General Thomas Ewing’s General Order No. 11. On that occasion, he wore the red leggings of the organization, which came to be recognized as “a badge of desperate service in the Union army.” Generals Ewing and Blunt usually had several of the Red Legs on their payrolls, where they received often as much as $7 per day on account of the hazardous service they were required to render.

In course of time, the term “Red Leg” became general along the border. William E. Connelley, in his Quantrill and the Border Wars, said: “Every thief who wanted to steal from the Missouri people counterfeited the uniform of the Red Legs and went forth to pillage. This gave the organization a bad name, and much of the plundering done along the border was attributed to them, when, in fact, they did little in that line themselves. There were some bad characters among them—very bad. But they were generally honest and patriotic men. They finally hunted down the men who falsely represented themselves to be Red Legs, and they killed every man found wearing the uniform without authority.”

Albert R. Greene, a member of the Ninth Kansas Cavalry, was personally acquainted with many of the Red Legs and was also well acquainted with the nature of their service. Concerning them and their work, he said: “There was not one of them but performed valuable service for the Union cause, and, so far, as I know and believe, always within the rules of civilized warfare. That the organization was disbanded before the close of the war was owing more to the fact that the necessity for its existence had ceased than because a few of its members had thrown off the restraints of discipline. . . . It is enough to say for the propriety and wisdom of such an organization as the Red Legs, that it did more to protect the homes of Kansas than any regiment in the service, and was the organization of all others most dreaded by William Quantrill.”

Charles R. Jennison, Kansas Red Leg

Such was the character of the Red Legs — men who knew not the meaning of the word cowardice, and who left their fields and firesides to defend their homes against the irregular and predatory warfare of the guerrilla and the bushwhacker.

After the Civil War, most of the members returned to peaceful occupations and once again became law-abiding citizens.

Source: Blackmar, Frank W. Kansas: A Cyclopedia of State History, Standard Publishing Company, Chicago, IL 1912


Politics and Government

George Washington once noted, "Good Welshman Make Good Americans" (Thomas, p. 27). In the founding of the United States of America, cultural history positioned Welsh immigrants as American revolutionaries. The Welsh, who already tended to resent English control, were strongly inclined toward revolution in France, Britain, and America. The United States can trace the derivation of its trial-by-jury system through England to Wales. Though it is unclear exactly where Welsh culture contributed to the founding moments of America, Welsh Americans claim the Welshness of Jeffersonian principles, especially that certain rights are inalienable, that rights not assigned to governments are reserved for the people, and that church and state must remain separate. In February of 1776, one month after the publication of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, a Welshman, Dr. Richard Price, published in London The Nature of Civil Liberty, appealing "to the natural rights of all men, those rights which no government should have the power to take away" five months later, Welsh American Thomas Jefferson published similar ideas in the Declaration of Independence (Williams, p. 45).

For decades, nearly 75 percent of Welsh immigrants became citizens, higher than any other group (Williams, p. 87). In accord with their religion, Welsh Americans have helped to lobby for temperance, Prohibition, and Sabbath-enforcing Blue Laws. Welsh American abolitionists included workers on the underground railroad, such as Rebecca Lewis Fussell (1820-1893), and authors such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, who wrote Uncle Tom's Cabin. Author Helen Hamilton Gardiner (1853-1925) joined several other Welsh American leaders in the fight for women's suffrage.

Welsh Americans also have been labor leaders. In 1871, Welsh American coal miners led their union in a historic strike in which they protested a 30 percent wage decrease, ultimately to no avail. They won only disapproval and prejudice from more established classes of Americans (Jones, p. 53).


Fascist Government

On 20th July 1935 Oswald Mosley declared his cabinet to be:

Prime Minister: Oswald Mosley

Party Secretary: William Joyce

Chancellor of Exchequer: John Erskine, Lord Erskine

Minister of War: Major General J.F.C. Lebih kenyang

On 25th June 1935 Mosley raised the BUF flag over Canterbury and 10,000 Fascists marched into the city as a show of force. The arrested the pro Yorkist Archbishop Lang followed but the people of Canterbury stood up in force against his arrest. Lang was taken to the tower of London.

A group of about 1000 protesters stood up against the arrest of the archbishop and began chanting and demanding his release. The Fascists that had taken over the town centre attacked them with various weapons including knives, clubs and a handful of firearms. 235 protesters were killed, and 28 Fascists were killed when a handful of anti-Fascists obtained a few rifles and shot back. However, the protest was put down within an hour, and the Fascists had dominated the town.

Former Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, who had escaped London with his family and a few members of his Cabinet including the Chancellor, Minister of War, Foreign Minister and the Home Secretary after the Fascist government took over, was in hiding in a cottage in Buckinghamshire where he and his former government planned to fight back against the Fascist oppressors. After contacting trusted members within the War Office, an infantry brigade left Aldershot with the intention of removing Mosley from power. However, they were spotted and troops loyal to the Fascists were dispatched to stop them.

At 8:06 AM, the first shots of the British Civil War were fired. The "Battle of Southampton" began when troops loyal to democracy(later the would become known as the British Parliamentary Forces) were moving through Southampton on their way to London. Fascist troops arrived in Southampton at the same time and engaged them. Around 800 Free troops, backed by some light artillery and a few tanks faced off against almost 1200 Fascists, with heavy artillery and 30 tanks.

Fascist artillery began hammering the Free Army (and any civilians who were in the way) and left the city centre in ruins. Fascist infantry quickly began to push the Free troops back, although they were made to fight for every inch of ground gained. Almost half the Fascists tanks had been destroyed in the first three hours of the battle, although by then only one Free Army tank remained operational. By the fifth hour of the battle, the news of fighting was being reported over the BBC in London, which was under Fascist control and accused Free troops of attacking civilians for no reason. By the sixth hour, Free soldiers were running low on ammo and many were dead or wounded. Much of Southampton was in ruins and close to 2,000 civilians had died. At 2:35 PM the same day, the Free Army commander, Colonel Robert Peterson, agreed to surrender.

The Free Government, having heard the news of the battle, moved again, this time to a secure estate near Newcastle due to the fact the north of Britain, particularly north England and Scotland were more inclined towards the Left of politics and hence would be more anti-Fascist.

Many Members of Parliament, with the exception of Mosley's Fascists, were arrested. Those who hadn't been arrested fled north upon hearing rumours of a rebel government led by Stanley Baldwin. The government made contact with the remaining MP's and formed the National Coalition Government made up of MPs from the Labour, Conservative and Liberal parties and thus styled themselves "The Parliamentarians" in honour of those who had fought on Parliament's side during the First English Civil War in the 17th century. One of these MPs who had recently arrived, happened to be none other than Conservative MP Winston Churchill.

The National Coalition Government (NCG) made contact with members of the Anti-Fascist Resistance in Newcastle, who had been carrying out hit and run raids on Mosley's Army, and with their help made contact with several high ranking military officers who were loyal to Parliament.

On the 1st of May 1935, General Bernard Montgomery arrived in secret at Redford Army Barracks and met with the officers there. They spoke with the rest of the men and all of them felt strongly that it was their duty to stand against Mosley and Fascism. Contact was made with other military bases in Glasgow, Inverness, Fife, Newcastle and York where soldiers, sailors and airmen decided to fight the Fascists. Civil War was now truly about to begin.

By the 5th of May, the British Parliamentary Forces (BPF) were organised and left their bases to set up defensive positions in the north of the country. Known Fascists in the north were arrested and executed although a great majority of the population welcomed the BPF with open arms as they entered the cities. This was greeted with shock and dismay by Mosley's government in Downing Street, who still had full control over Southern and Central England, as well as Wales. The situation in Northern Ireland, however, began to deteriorate as the IRA attacks increased against Fascists, and even groups loyal to Britain joined with the IRA to fight against Fascism. Mosley ordered the army to be mobilised and began sending troops north to fight the BPF.

It had been a week since the Battle of Southampton, and it now seemed that a major war was about to commence. Both sides were rushing troops to the front and mobilising their reserves. At 5:43 AM on the morning of May 6th 1935, the British Parliamentary Army launched its offensive. Over 75,000 troops, backed by tanks, artillery and aircraft from RAF bases in Scotland and Northern England attempted to drive the Fascists back meeting with only some success. The BPF captured Carlisle after a short but bloody battle and killed over 1000 Fascists, losing only 234 men in the process. It was considered the first BPF victory of the war. RAF bombers targeted Manchester and Liverpool, destroying several factories whilst other aircraft bombed Fascist air bases across Central England and Wales.


The Early Stuarts and the English Civil War

James I
Elizabeth was followed to the throne by James VI of Scotland, who became James I of England. James believed in the absolute power of the monarchy, and he had a rocky relationship with an increasingly vociferous and demanding Parliament. It would be a mistake to think of Parliament as a democratic institution, or the voice of the common citizen. Parliament was a forum for the interests of the nobility and the merchant classes (not unlike today, some would say).

The Gunpowder Plot
James was a firm protestant, and in 1604 he expelled all Catholic priests from the island. This was one of the factors which led to the Gunpowder Plot of 1605. A group of Catholic plotters planned to blow up Parliament when it opened on November 5. However, an anonymous letter betrayed the plot and one of the plotters, Guy Fawkes, was captured in the cellars of the Houses of Parliament with enough gunpowder to blow the place sky high. Most of the plotters were captured and executed. (See our in-depth examination of the Gunpowder Plot here).

The Rise of the Puritans
During James' reign radical Protestant groups called Puritans began to gain a sizeable following. Puritans wanted to "purify" the church by paring down church ritual, educating the clergy, and limiting the powers of bishops. King James resisted this last. The powers of the church and king were too closely linked. "No bishop, no king," he said. The Puritans also favoured thrift, education, and individual initiative, therefore they found great support among the new middle class of merchants, the powers in the Commons.

James' attitude toward Parliament was clear. He commented in 1614 that he was surprised his ancestors "should have permitted such an institution to come into existence . It is sedition in subjects to dispute what a king may do in the height of his power".

The King James Bible
In 1611 the King James Version of the Holy Bible was issued, the result of seven years of labour by the best translators and theological minds of the day. It remained the authoritative, though not necessarily the most accurate, version of the Bible for centuries.

Charles I (1625-49) continued his father's acrimonious relationship with Parliament, squabbling over the right to levy taxes. Parliament responded with the Petition of Right in 1628. It was the most dramatic assertion of the traditional rights of the English people since the Magna Carta. Its basic premise was that no taxes of any kind could be allowed without the permission of Parliament.

Charles finally had enough, and in 1629 he dissolved Parliament and ruled without it for eleven years. Some of the ways he raised money during this period were of dubious legality by the standards of the time.

Between 1630-43 large numbers of people emigrated from England as Archbishop Laud tried to impose uniformity on the church. Up to 60,000 people left, 1/3 of them to the new American colonies. Several areas lost a large part of their populations, and laws were enacted to curb the outflow.

Ship Money
In 1634 Charles attempted to levy "ship-money", a tax that previously applied only to ports, on the whole country. This raised tremendous animosity throughout the realm. Finally, Charles, desperate for money, summoned the so-called Short Parliament in 1640. Parliament refused to vote Charles more money until its grievances were answered, and the king dismissed it after only three weeks. Then a rebellion broke out in Scotland and Charles was forced to call a new Parliament, dubbed the Long Parliament, which officially sat until 1660.

Civil War
Parliament made increasing demands, which the king refused to meet. Neither side was willing to budge. Finally in 1642 fighting broke out. The English Civil War (1642-1646) polarized society largely along class lines. Parliament drew most of its support from the middle classes, while the king was supported by the nobility, the clergy, and the peasantry. Parliamentary troops were known as Roundheads because of their severe hairstyle. The king's army were known as Cavaliers, from the French for "knight", or "horseman".

The war began as a series of indecisive skirmishes notable for not much beyond the emergence of a Parliamentary general from East Anglia named Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell whipped his irregular volunteer troops into the disciplined New Model Army.

Meanwhile, Charles established the royalist headquarters in Oxford, called his own Parliament, and issued his own money. He also allied himself with Irish Catholics, which alienated some of his supporters.

To the poor, the turmoil over religion around the Civil War meant little. They were bound by tradition and they supported the king, as they always had. Charles encouraged poor relief, unemployment measures, price controls, and protection for small farmers. For most people, life during the Civil War went on as before. Few were involved or even knew about the fighting. In 1644 a farmer at Marston Moor was told to clear out because the armies of Parliament and the king were preparing to fight. "What?" he exclaimed, "Has them two fallen out, then?"

Marston Moor
The turning point of the war was probably that same Battle of Marston Moor (1644). Charles' troops under his nephew Prince Rupert were soundly beaten by Cromwell, giving Parliament control of the north of England. Above the border, Lord Montrose captured much of Scotland for Charles, but was beaten at Philiphaugh and Scot support was lost for good.

The Parliamentary cause became increasingly entangled with extreme radical Protestantism. In 1645 Archbishop Laud was executed, and in the same year, the Battle of Naseby spelled the end of the royalist hopes. Hostilities dragged on for another year, and the Battle of Stow-on-the-Wold (1646) was the last armed conflict of the war.

The death of a king
Charles rather foolishly stuck to his absolutist beliefs and refused every proposal made by Parliament and the army for reform. He preferred to try to play them against each other through intrigue and deception. He signed a secret treaty which got the Scots to rise in revolt, but that threat was snuffed out at Prestonpans (1648).

Finally, the radical core of Parliament had enough. They believed that only the execution of the king could prevent the kingdom from descending into anarchy. Charles was tried for treason in 1649, before a Parliament whose authority he refused to acknowledge. He was executed outside Inigo Jones' Banqueting Hall at Whitehall on January 30.


The Civil War Was Won by Immigrant Soldiers

I n the summer of 1861, an American diplomat in Turin, Italy, looked out the window of the U.S. legation to see hundreds of young men forming a sprawling line. Some wore red shirts, emblematic of the Garibaldini who, during their campaign in southern Italy, were known for pointing one finger in the air and shouting l&rsquoItalia Unità! (Italy United!). Now they wanted to volunteer to take up arms for l&rsquoAmerica Unità!

Meanwhile, immigrants already in the United States responded to the call to arms in extraordinary numbers. In 1860, about 13% of the U.S. population was born overseas&mdashroughly what it is today. One in every four members of the Union armed forces was an immigrant, some 543,000 of the more than 2 million Union soldiers by recent estimates. Another 18% had at least one foreign-born parent. Together, immigrants and the sons of immigrants made up about 43% of the U.S. armed forces.

America&rsquos foreign legions gave the North an incalculable advantage. It could never have been won without them. And yet the role of immigrant soldiers has been ignored in the narrative of a brothers&rsquo war fought on American soil, by American soldiers, over issues that were uniquely American in origin.

In the 1860s, Confederate diplomats and supporters abroad were eager to inform Europeans that the North was actively recruiting their sons to serve as cannon fodder. In one pamphlet, Confederate envoy Edwin De Leon informed French readers that the Puritan North had built its army &ldquoin large part of foreign mercenaries&rdquo made up of &ldquothe refuse of the old world.&rdquo

Embarrassed Northerners claimed the Confederacy exaggerated how many foreign recruits made up the U.S. armed forces&mdashpointing to immigrant bounty jumpers who enlisted to collect the money given to new recruits, deserted, and then re-enlisted. The underlying premise was that foreigners were not inspired by patriotic principle and, except for money, had no motive to fight and die for a nation not their own.

It was not true. Immigrants tended to be young and male, but they enlisted above their quota. Many immigrants left jobs to fight for the Union, enlisting before the draft&mdashand the bounties&mdashwere even introduced. They volunteered, fought, and sacrificed far beyond what might be expected of strangers in a strange land.

Historians have done an excellent job of retrieving the voices of native-born, English-speaking soldiers. But the voices of the foreign legions remain silent&mdashthanks to the paucity of records in the archives, the language barriers posed to historians, and, perhaps, a lingering bias that keeps foreigners out of &ldquoour&rdquo civil war.

Why did they fight? What were they fighting for? Recruitment posters in the New York Historical Society provide hints at the answers. One poster reads: Patrioti Italiani! Honvedek! Amis de la liberté! Deutsche Freiheits Kaempfer! (Italian patriots! Hungarians! Friends of liberty! German freedom fighters!) Then, in English, it urges &ldquo250 able-bodied men . . . Patriots of all nations&rdquo to fight for their &ldquoadopted country.&rdquo

One immigrant mother gave testimony in 1863 to an antislavery convention as to why her 17-year-old son was fighting for the Union. &ldquoI am from Germany where my brothers all fought against the Government and tried to make us free, but were unsuccessful,&rdquo she said. &ldquoWe foreigners know the preciousness of that great, noble gift a great deal better than you, because you never were in slavery, but we are born in it.&rdquo

Following the failed Revolution of 1848, thousands of young Germans fled to America. They took up arms in what they saw as yet another battle in the revolutionary struggle against the forces of aristocracy and slavery. &ldquoIt isn&rsquot a war where two powers fight to win a piece of land,&rdquo one German enlistee wrote to his family. &ldquoInstead it&rsquos about freedom or slavery, and you can well imagine, dear mother, I support the cause of freedom with all my might.&rdquo

In another letter written to his family in Europe, a German soldier gave a pithy explanation of the war: &ldquoI don&rsquot have the space or the time to explain all about the cause, only this much: the states that are rebelling are slave states, and they want slavery to be expanded, but the northern states are against this, and so it is civil war!&rdquo

So it was civil war, but for many foreign-born soldiers and citizens, this was much more than America&rsquos war. It was an epic contest for the future of free labor against slavery, for equal opportunity against privilege and aristocracy, for freedom of thought and expression against oppressive government, and for democratic self-government against dynastic rule. Foreigners joined the war to wage the same battles that had been lost in the Old World. Theirs was the cause not only of America, but of all nations.

Don H. Doyle is the author of The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War. He is McCausland Professor of History at the University of South Carolina. Follow him on Facebook. He wrote this for What It Means to Be American, a national conversation hosted by the Smithsonian and Zócalo Public Square.


Tonton videonya: PREDIKSI KUALIFIKASI PIALA DUNIA ZONA EROPA. CHEKO, BELARUSIA, RUSIA, SLOVAKIA, KROASIA DLL (Mungkin 2022).


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